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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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              <text>&lt;pre&gt;&lt;strong&gt;
 Interview Transcript
&lt;/strong&gt;
This is an interview with Jeannie Lythcott on July 17, 2006, at the Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia, about her
experience and involvement with the West African Smallpox Eradication
Project. The interview is being conducted as a part of a reunion marking
the 40th anniversary of the launch of the program. The interviewer is David
Sencer.

Sencer:     Jeannie, do you want to tell me a little bit about your early
           years? Where were you born, what were your parents like?
Lythcott:   I was born in Leeds, in Yorkshire, England, and I was born in
           Leeds because my mom had to go to the hospital. I was the only 1
           of her 5 children who had to be delivered in a hospital.
                 We grew up in a little village called Rye Hill, partway
           between Leeds and Sheffield, a coal-mining town. My dad was the
           only child of coal miners, and he won a scholarship to go to the
           local grammar school, but his parents wouldn't pay the fee-what
           would be maybe a dollar, now-to go to that school. And so he was
           down in the mine at 14.
                 He took himself to night school. He was drafted in World
           War II. He got in the Royal Signals Corps, and when he got home,
           he went to college on a program for servicemen. He became a
           science teacher and grew to become the headmaster of the only
           school in which he taught. So education for Dad was absolutely
           prime.
                 Mom had gone to the local high school, and so they were
           both incredibly bright folks, and with 5 children.
                 I was born in 1939, at the beginning of World War II, and
           some of my earliest memories are about gas masks and being
           evacuated. You know, bombs were dropped on Leeds.
                 I grew up speaking Yorkshire, and our teachers spent a
           good 12 years trying to have us approximate the Queen 's
           English. This is how Yorkshire sounds. I'm going to give you a
           Yorkshire toast: [toast in Yorkshire, which Dr. Sencer can't
           understand]
           About 6% of students went to university in those days. I applied
           for and was accepted to Majesty University. Because our family
           was so poor, I got a scholarship from the government as a result
           of the 1944 Education Act. The government paid every penny for
           me-bus fare from home, food, everything-to go to university. If
           that had not been the case, I couldn't have gone.
                 I taught in England for a couple of years and then decided
           that I wanted to go around the world, knowing somehow that my
           experience of education was limited by the British system. So my
           thought was that I would teach in former British colonies, where
           some things would be recognizable. And at that time, David, I
           was going to end up this grand tour of the globe in America,
           that being the far end of the spectrum. And after that, I was
           going to go home and become headmistress of  a school for
           girls.
                 I began in Ghana. I arrived in August of 1962. George
           Lythcott and his 4 teenage children, ages 12 to16, had arrived
           in Accra with an American team the month before I got there. He
           was there as Deputy Director of a medical research team to help
           Ghana build a national health institute  manned by Ghanaian
           scientists and molded after NIH [National Institutes of Health].
                 We lived very close to each other. I met the family on
           September 9, about a month after I arrived, and we became very,
           very close very quickly. It's amazing.
                 George had to go back to the United States in October or
           November of that year. Three of the children, Ruthie, George,
           and Mike, were in boarding school in Achimota, so they would be
           taken care of while he was gone. The youngest one, Steven, was
           going to a day school, an American international school.
                 So I went to see George the night before he was to leave
           for 9 weeks to go back to the United States. His household goods
           hadn't yet arrived from America. We were relative strangers, you
           understand. I sat there in his house helping him to pack his
           bag, and he kept giving me money. He gave me 3 blank, signed
           checks just in case anything happened to his children. I mean,
           his trust in me from the start, it was amazing when I think
           about it.
                 And so we worked side by side. I was there to teach
           physics, chemistry, biology, and mathematics to girls who were
           given a scholarship. They were bypassing secondary school and
           being prepared for a degree nursing program, which was unusual
           in 1962. So that's what I was doing there, and continued to do,
           until December 1965.
                 Kwame Nkrumah [the first Prime Minister of Ghana] had
           fallen into disfavor with the American government, and as a
           result of some of the things that had happened, the United
           States decided to pull out most of George's team. There were 22
           scientists of different disciplines there. The United States
           decided to pull most of them out as a political statement, but
           the Ghanaian scientist with whom they'd been working made a plea
           to the American Ambassador at the time to say, "Can't we keep a
           scientist-to-scientist relationship?" And so George stayed with
           1 technician.


            But I had upset the Ghanese government, so my contract was not
           renewed in 1965.
Sencer:     How did you upset them?
Lythcott:   In the summer of '65, those who taught in this pre-nursing
           program said that, for the first time, they were willing to
           leave as a group (they were very close friends) to go on
           vacation because they felt that they could leave the college in
           my hands. We were on vacation, and they felt that they could
           leave the administrative details to me and they would come back
           at the beginning of school.
                 Around this time, we had administered an entrance exam to
           over 2,000 girls from all over Ghana. We had announced in the
           newspaper when the exam would be given and when we would
           announce the results. And those results were to be given on a
           specific date, maybe September 28 or something. While the women
           were gone, the Minister of Education in the government called up
           the college and wanted to know whether his niece had been
           accepted for the pre-nursing program. And so my reply was that
           the exams had been scored, but we hadn't done the final
           analysis, and as we had reported in the paper, all of the
           results would be available at the same time to the public on
           September 28. I had the good sense to write that in a letter to
           the director of the college. But he didn't like what I'd done;
           he just didn't like it. But I stood my ground. So I wasn't
           expelled from the country, but my contract wasn't renewed.
                 I'm not sure of the details of how this happened, but I
           ended up working for NIH in Ghana for 6 months on the Burkett's
           tumor project. I was responsible for getting the tissue samples,
           getting the osmium tetroxide, and we did 2 other lab
           manifuplations and then. I hand-carried the samples in dry ice
           to a plane  at midnight to get to Washington, D.C. So that was
           my last 6 months in Ghana.
                 And then, in November or December of '65, George met D. A.
           [Donald A. Henderson] in New York somewhere, and they'd talked
           about the smallpox program. So, in January and February, I
           think, he was roaming around the 20 countries to be in the
           eradication effort, getting the agreements signed.
                 We got married in Ghana on January 17, 1966, in an
           incredible ceremony.
                 So there I was. George headed off to get these agreements
           signed. We came back to Atlanta in that summer to help get  the
           team oriented to Africa..
                 So those are my beginnings.
                 Let me tell you 1 other thing. It relates to where I am
           now. When I was at the University of Manchester, I had applied,
           on the basis of recommendation from my professor, for a Ph.D.
           program in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan.
                 There was an interesting morphological problem. There was
           a weed in the prairies; when you pulled up a plant, if you left
           any little piece of root, each root had the possibility of
           making a whole new plant. So the weed was noxious from that
           point of view. They wanted somebody to study that plant from a
           morphological perspective.
                 So I got the scholarship. It paid for everything, but I
           couldn't afford to get there. The professor said he made every
           effort to try to get me there and found a scholarship from the
           Dreyfus Company, $1,600, $1,700, something like that. It was a
           scholarship for post-university work at any college or
           university in our dominions or colonies, but it stipulated that
           it was for a male student. And they said they were so happy if
           somebody would try to change it, but it would take them 5 years.
           So I went into teaching.
Sencer:     You got married instead.
Lythcott:   Yes. I met George. That derailed my whole plan. Yes.
Sencer:     You came here in '66 for the training course?
Lythcott:   Yes, yes.
Sencer:     Was this your first experience in the States?
Lythcott:   No. My first time in the United States was 1968. We'd been
           married in '66, and I was still a British citizen. We found out
           that when an American official was part of the diplomatic corps,
           marries an alien overseas, and is returning to post overseas,
           that the residency requirement for US citizenship is waived,
           which makes good sense. Also, you can be naturalized in any
           court that's meeting. So in 1968, I took all of the steps to
           come in on an immigration visa. I had studied up the kazoo. We
           found out that the federal court was meeting in Washington, D.C.
           I was in New York, pregnant, so I went up for the day to
           Washington, D.C. to take this exam. I took the oath, in a very
           moving ceremony.
                 It came time for the exam. Well, I had studied. This judge
           sat there, and he said, "How many arms of government?" "What do
           we call this form of government?" Then the next question was,
           "So tell me what you know about the Executive Branch." And in
           all seriousness, I said to him, "You mean everything I know?"
           And he looked at me, over the top of his glasses, and he said,
           "Well, why don't you just start, and I'll tell you when to
           stop." Well, I started, and I had this down. It was like
           unpacking the files from memory, you know, and so on and so on I
           went. He didn't ask me another single question. It was amazing.
Sencer:     So, in the smallpox program when you went back after '66,
           George had traveled around getting the agreements signed.
Lythcott:   Right.
Sencer:     And then what happened?
Lythcott:   Most of the agreements were signed, but not all, when we came
           back for the training program here in 1966. Nigeria was still
           the very difficult one. And if I recall, 50% of the population
           was in Nigeria, and I don't know if 50% of the smallpox cases
           were there also, but without Nigeria, this program made no good
           sense.
                 Back then, CDC had a program in Atlanta for the families
           while the guys were going through their training. There were
           some cultural events for children.
                 So George went off for a week to Nigeria to get the
           agreement signed. But when he got there, all of these
           hostilities between the north and the east had just erupted, and
           nobody, but nobody, was interested in thinking about a smallpox
           eradication-measles control program.
                 So it is my understanding that he did everything that he
           could. And people would check in with him. It wasn't easy to
           make long-distance calls back in those days. You could hear the
           ocean, I think, in the background. You had to book your call 3
           hours ahead of time. And so, when we knew a call had been
           booked, I would actually be in the hallway, waiting. D. A. and
           Billy and various people would be there, and I'd just wait in
           the hall outside for messages.
            George was an incredibly social person; he had people skills up
           the kazoo. It's funny, because at the same time, he was also
           very much of a homebody and a loner. He would say often things
           like, "I don't care about anything else, just as long as I've
           got you and my baby at home." But when he was out there, he had
           people skills up the kazoo. And people found themselves talking
           to him easily. He adored women, and women adored him.
                 From his days in Ghana, he knew about the underworld, you
           know, those CIA [Central Intelligence Agency] spies, and so on.
           Actually, the CIA tried to recruit George, and George came home
           and told me about all of it. But he told some of the things that
           they knew about him and about me, and I said, "I don't think you
           need to be a part of that." So he gave it up, although it would
           have meant a whole lot of money, which would have been helpful
           with 4 children.
                 But he was used to that, sort of thinking, where messages
           can be passed back and forth that can ameliorate situations
           before they erupt. He was used to that sort of level of
           conversation.
                 So George was at a cocktail party in Lagos  He'd been
           there about 6 or 7 weeks. And nobody knew much about the new
           young leader of Nigeria, General Yakubu Gowan. As president of
           the federation, he was in the middle of Yoruba country, but he
           was from the Jos Plateau. So he didn't have his own people, his
           own tribe, around him. So it must have been very tenuous for him
           in the beginning. And so it was hard for George to find
           connections with him because there weren't many in that milieu.
                 So George was at this party, chitchatting with the wife of
           one of the Yoruba diplomats there whom he'd come to know. And
           George said to this lady-it was very serendipitous-"He's such a
           handsome young man. And he's not married, I hope. This is the
           army," some conversation like this. And the woman leaned over
           and she said, "Oh, no, he has a girlfriend." And so it was
           through that contact that George then arranged an introduction
           with. the girlfriend  [I believe mistress would be a more apt
           term.  djs]
                 And so George told the young woman about the smallpox
           program, what it would mean to children in all the 20 countries,
           and that if Nigeria didn't sign, there would be no program. He
           gave her that understanding, and she went to the President the
           next day, and there it was the signed agreement.. Yeah.
Sencer:     As you say, he had people skills.
Lythcott:   Oh, he did, he did.
Sencer:     Did you do much traveling with George, or were you a homebody?
Lythcott:   I did some, but not much. Once the civil war erupted, we were
           told by the American government that they were not requiring
           dependents to leave but that if we left, we couldn't come back.
           So I actually did very little traveling. I went to Abidjan, to
           that meeting.
                 And then little Julie was born in November of 1967.
Sencer:     Where was she born?
Lythcott:   In Lagos, Nigeria.
Sencer:     Which hospital?
Lythcott:   It was a Nigerian hospital on the mainland. She was delivered
           by midwives at the hospital. George brought my mother from
           England to visit us, so she came for about 3 weeks, the first
           and only time she ever flew in an airplane. So, of necessity, we
           were home.
Sencer:     You want to tell us some of George's printable exploits?
Lythcott:   One that I didn't tell the other night was about Colonel
           Labusquiere  leader of OCEAC [Organization de Coordination pur
           la Lutte contre Endemies d'Afrique Central]; he was a formidable
           character. As I remember it, he wasn't at all persuaded that the
           Americans had any role in the OCEAC countries; he thought that
           the French were doing just fine, thank you very much. In the
           case of smallpox, I think he was absolutely right, but measles
           control was something he would gladly give up. But as George
           used to describe him, the Colonel was just puffed up with
           national pride. Any notions that Americans were going to be
           coming to help them were just impossible.
                 So we were in Lagos, and we got a call that Colonel
           Labusquiere, his wife, and his mother, who was traveling with
           them from France to visit them in Cameroon (I think that's where
           they lived), were going to have to lay over in Lagos, Nigeria,
           because there was something wrong. They couldn't fly all the
           way. I don't know what it was. But they were arriving in Lagos,
           and of course they would stay with us. And I was in a panic now.
           What are we going to do? So we've got Labusquiere, this
           formidable character. As far as I knew, he spoke very little
           English. And his mother was coming too.
Sencer:     Right.
Lythcott:   So I put the word out among the wives of those who worked in
           the regional office-Bonnie Flanders [Bonnie Jean Flanders], Ilze
           [Ilze Henderson], and Dotty Hicks [Dorothy Hicks] and so on-that
           if anybody, anywhere, had any French literature-magazines,
           books, anything-that I could at least put in their rooms, to let
           me know. One of them came up with a magazine, and I got the
           guestrooms ready. And you know how they did things in 1966. So I
           put the magazine down on the bedside table for the mother, and
           just flipped it open to a page, and placed it next to a little
           vase of flowers. It turns out the page depicted a vineyard, and
           this was their property. So completely serendipitous! There it
           was. The next morning, the mother said, "How did you know?"
                 So they come, we're struggling through, in French. You
           know, the astonishing thing about George was that he didn't
           speak other languages, at least not at this point. He would have
           a few words here and there, but that was a tribute to his people
           skills as well. It was all eye contact and body language.
                 Anyway, we're struggling through dinner. I think Ilze and
           Rafe [Ralph H. Henderson] came. I was struggling with my French.
           I hadn't used it in a long, long time, but it seemed to be okay.
           And we were getting through. It was a kind of a nice occasion.
                 So the next morning, at breakfast, we got up. I mentioned
           that I hoped that they had spent a pleasant night, and so on.
           And all of a sudden the colonel begins speaking in English that
           is much better than my French. That old son-of-a-gun.
Sencer:     Yeah.
Lythcott:   And so he said that it had been a wonderful visit, and he said
           the first thing that he needed to do was to toast George because
           in one 24-hour period, this man had caused his mother and his
           wife to fall in love.. And that's when the conversation about
           the vineyards came up.
                 He thanked us for the evening and how they appreciated us
           trying to put this together. And George always thought that was
           a turning point in that relationship.
                 You have all of the other stories about the passports and
           things, I'm sure.
Sencer:     Well, we don't have them in your words. Actually, I don't think
           those were recorded the other night, about filling in his
           passport.
Lythcott:   George was traveling with Jay Friedman [Jay S. Friedman]. I
           think they were trying to go into Abidjan. George realized, as
           he's going up to passport control, that this [unclear]. "I still
           have these passports. Maybe I should send those to CDC. That
           would be fun, wouldn't it?" with all the extra pages stuck in,
           and so on and so on. And so he looked and found that his visa
           had expired the day before. What was he going to do?
                 Somebody else goes through, and then George comes along.
           The passport officer was a young woman. So George said to her,
           in his own inimitable style, "Hello, honey. How are you doing?
           May I borrow your pen?" And so she said, "Here's one." So she
           took out a pen, gave it to George, and on the desk right in
           front of her, he drew around the outside edge of the visa and
           changed the date. So the date was, I don't know, tomorrow. So if
           it said the 17th, he changed it to the 19th or something, right
           there. And he gave her his passport, returned her pen, and she
           said, "Fine, thank you very much. Have a good day, big boy."
                 Another time I think he just ripped out the old page of
           his passport with the old visas that were attached and put it in
           his passport.
                 And then there was the time, it was Julie's first
           birthday, so November 28, 1968, George had been at a conference
           with a whole lot of other people in Congo Brazzaville. I'm not
           sure why, but George didn't get on the plane to come to Lagos as
           we had thought. But he had let me know that he had invited 3
           Russian physicians to Thanksgiving at our house.
                 This was a big deal because George cooked the turkey.
           George could cook like you wouldn't believe. He put it on a spit
           on the grill outside. And I was allowed nowhere near this
           machine.
                 So I expecting George home, and he didn't come, and about
           10 o'clock in the morning, the 3 Russian physicians arrived. And
           I'm panicking a little bit. I have the turkey all dressed, it's
           all ready to go, but I haven't heard from George. It's Julie's
           first birthday. I knew he was going to be there if he could. And
           nobody seemed to know what had happened to him.
                 Finally, about noon, totally unexpectedly, George breezed
           in through the front door, dropped his suitcase and his coat,
           and went right into the kitchen and said, "Is the turkey ready?"
           and I said, "Yes." And so I followed behind him, and he said,
           "Did the Russians come?" I said, "Yes, they're outside by the
           pool." And he said, "Oh, by the way, your brother said to say
           hello." My brothers are both in England. It made no sense to me.
                 But later, as I got the story, he had persuaded the people
           in Congo Brazzaville that he absolutely had to get to Lagos,
           Nigeria, he just had to. And so they entered into this whole
           problem-solving with him. You know, that was the art, that he
           got people to problem-solve with him. So they said, "Well, we
           can't get you to Lagos, but we can get you to Rome, and maybe
           you can get home from Rome." Know this. This was all on the
           ticket from Congo Brazzaville to Lagos, so there was no extra
           charge or anything involved here.
                 And so he got to Rome, and the same spiel, and he tells a
           story and, of course, he's been talking to the stewardesses on
           the plane. It's like he's got the whole world looking out for
           him. They sent him to London in time to get the flight-BOAC, I
           think it was-from London to Nigeria. While he was in London, he
           called my brother. Oh, man.
Sencer:     What were some of your high points in Africa, besides having
           Julie?
Lythcott:   Well, that was definitely the high point.
                 I think the only big conference that I knew about was the
           one that we had in '69 in Lagos. It must have been in the
           spring. Most of the photographs that I sent are from that
           conference. I remember 2 things about that conference.
                 One is that George was bound and determined to have a
           diplomatic coup, which was that all of these contiguous
           countries would finally agree that a smallpox outbreak could be
           attended to by the smallpox vaccination team that was closest to
           the site, regardless of which side of the border the team was
           on. And this was huge. So that from Nigeria, you could go into
           Niger, and vice versa, for the purpose of containing smallpox.
           And they reached that agreement at that meeting. So that was a
           high point for George.
                 The other thing was that George had arranged-he was so
           proud of this-for a sophisticated method of simultaneous
           translation. Translators were sent in from Geneva, and they were
           set up in little booths. But, of course, it was dependent on the
           electricity working, and West Africa being West Africa at the
           time, electricity working was not something that you could count
           on. So George had requested that the translators be able to move
           into consecutive translation as well. Well, that's what
           happened. The electricity went out.
                 And I have this fabulous memory of these translations,
           which were really improvisational performances. When the
           translator was translating from the French into English, the
           shoulders would go back and be squared, the neck would be
           buttoned up, elbows tucked in, and the correct accent. And then
           the same guy, when translating from English to French, would
           tousle his hair, undo his shirt, and he'd be scratching and all
           kinds of things. It was an absolutely wonderful performance.
                 I sought them out afterwards at the cocktail party, and
           they said what a joy it was for them to go back to this old
           skill that they used to have but didn't get to use anymore.
Sencer:     Was one of them mustached?
Lythcott:   Definitely. The other was a young woman who was on one of those
           photographs. I remembered her name: Eleanor Trench   I think one
           of them may have been in that photograph.
Sencer:     The mustached one was one of the WHO's [World Health
           Organization] translators, and he was just magnificent, just
           magnificent.
Lythcott:   It must have been him.
Sencer:     As you said, he would fall right into whichever language he was
           working in. He was great.
                 Why do you think things worked so well in Africa, or
           worked as well as they did?
Lythcott:   You know, that's a complicated question. But I was thinking
           about Bill Foege's presentation, the final one at the  seminar
           the other day. Bill's thought was that nobody really believed
           that they could pull it off. There may have been an exception
           because I know George believed it.
                 He came back from meeting with D. A., and he didn't say,
           "We're going to try to eradicate smallpox." He said, "We're
           going to eradicate smallpox," you know-and control measles. The
           question for him was not whether it could be done. It was just,
           how in the world are we going to get it done? So he believed it.
                 I don't know who did the interviewing, but given the
           issues of racism and lack of cultural sensitivity in our nation
           at that time, the selection of those young folks was amazing.
           But it also may have been their youth. Because they were very
           young, you know. When you're 23, 24, 28 years old and if you're
           smart, you do believe you can do anything. I thought I could run
           any school in the world better than anybody else who was doing
           it at that time.
Sencer:     You probably could.
Lythcott:   Yeah. So it's that chutzpah of youth.
                 But I think the fact that there was a very small American
           presence in each country was a fabulous decision. I think if
           there'd been 10 CDCers  per country, they would have coalesced
           into a tight little team, whereas being only 1 or 2, they
           trained their counterparts and worked with them; that was
           critical to this process. But because there was usually only 1
           in every country and the medical officer covered several
           countries, there was a sense that you were not entirely
           isolated.
                 And that's why George traveled 70% of the time. I
           calculated it. He was gone from Lagos 70% of the time. He needed
           to do that. He needed to have them know that somebody was on the
           ground caring about things. And, you know, he did a lot of
           caring for families. . So I think it was that. So there was the
           animus of can-do.
                 I think the other thing was that there was probably a
           little of that rambunctious devilry in all of these young people-
           sort of an obstinacy that, if you hit a wall, it wasn't going to
           get you down. It was just something to get over. I think there
           was that.
                 Clearly, for the team from the United States, that link,
           also incredibly tenuous-you know, how long it took to make an
           overnight call; you sent telegrams, and relied on a way of
           communicating that seems so old when we compare it to today's
           world-but that link, tenuous as it was, was also incredibly
           strong. I don't think for a minute that George ever thought that
           there was anyone back in the United States that would say no,
           would say we can't do it. It was that can-do spirit again.
                 And you have to give credit truly to the country nationals
           also. It wouldn't have worked if they hadn't wanted it to work.
           There were more ways than we could ever invent in our culture
           for not getting it done in West Africa.
                 Do you remember when Rafe and somebody went to the
           subcontinent to try to help WHO get that off the ground? I think
           they were there for about 3 weeks for an initial conversation
           with the Ministry of Health. So for 3 weeks, they'd met with the
           Minister of Health. He had been very courteous, very engaging.
           They'd had wonderful conversations. But there wasn't anything
           happening, nothing! And it was about time for them to come home.
           They had reached a level of maximum frustration, so they
           requested a meeting with him. And he said, "Welcome, and good
           journey home" and so on. And they said, "Before we go, we need
           to tell you how frustrating this is. We thought we might be able
           to go home and report that something had been done." And he said-
           and this is the line, the actual quote-"What would you do if a
           friend, as a gift, gave you an elephant? We can't cope with that
           big thing!"
                 So the country nationals, they could have found ways to
           not get it done, to not enter into the problem-solving. And you
           have to believe that it was because they knew what a gift it was
           to keep children well.
Sencer:     I'm now giving editorial comment. So many of the people that
           went from the United States had worked in state health
           departments, where they saw their job not to be the leader, but
           to get behind the leader and gently push: Let's get this done;
           let's get this done. And I think a lot of that was part of the
           success in Africa, that they recognized the primacy of the
           native leaders.
Lythcott:   Yes.
Sencer:     And recognized that there were ways to get them to move.
Lythcott:   Mm-hmm, yeah.
Sencer:     I notice you're wearing a bracelet.
Lythcott:   Yes.
Sencer:     Tell me about it.
Lythcott:   I will.
                 One of the extraordinary things about that time, which is
           evident for all of us who came this weekend, is that it was a
           short time in our lives. I'm 67 years old. The smallpox program
           was 3 years; Ghana, before that, lasted 4 years. Seven years is
           a very small part of a lifetime, but it was life-changing. We
           all learned things. We all learned a way of being there. We
           weren't there as art collectors; we weren't there out of
           curiosity. We were there as national, you know, the old National
           Geographic notion of, will there be curiosities?
                 Jim Lewis [James O. Lewis] was telling a story on Saturday
           night about how the truck he was in had driven into this pond or
           this mud in the road, and the driver had assured them that they
           would get out. They were knee-deep in mud. People just turned up
           on bicycles and helped them get this truck out of the mud and
           refused payment and seemed offended to having even been offered
           it. And Jim said that since then, he always stops to help on the
           roadside. So, my point being that we all have remembrances of
           that.
                 So, I've put on umpteen numbers of pounds, so I can't wear
           my African clothing anymore. I just have 1 dress that I can
           wear. But I wear it often. When I put it on, it puts me back in
           that part of the world.
                 So the other day I was co-teaching a course with a
           professor friend of mine at Stanford. He was delayed
           considerably. When he got there, he said he'd had trouble with
           his car on the way. I said, "Now I'm going to use an  Africanism
            at Stanford." He had trouble with his car. And my immediate
           response was, "Oh, sorry." And he said, "Don't be sorry. It's
           not your fault." And I said, "It's the West African sorry,"
           sorry that the world did this to you.


                 Another memory, when Georgia died. In Nigeria, if they
           came to your office and you weren't there, there was this
           phrase, "I came and I met your absence." It's the notion that
           there's a presence of your absence as well as the absence of
           your presence. And they're not the same.
Sencer:     You mentioned life-changing.. How did it change your life?
Lythcott:   It taught me that I needed to revise my sense of my own
           country. I needed to give up this notion of glorious British
           history and acknowledge that some of British history was an
           inglorious thing. Nobody had taught me in England about our role
           in the slave trade, or that there even was one. I specialized in
           the sciences. I gave up studying history at Henry VII to
           specialize in the sciences. But I don't think that they taught
           that in British schools anyway. How the raj came to be is an
           incredibly important issue. I had to reshape how I walked on
           planet Earth. So I think that that made me, as a human being,
           open to the difficulty of understanding cross-cultures and being
           with cross-cultures. One of the things that we talk about in
           academia is this notion of white privilege and how hard it is
           when you are in the position of privilege, which is almost
           always tacit. You just don't know yourself well enough to be
           think across cultures. So I think it did that for me.
                 And the experience taught me the role of sharing, of not
           holding onto objects too hard, of the extended family, of what
           you have you have to share, and that kind of thing. And so, in
           lots of ways, George and I became who we were as a result of
           being in Africa.
                 So I just wanted to say that now, Julie, our daughter, and
           her husband and her 2 children, and I pooled our resources and
           we bought a house together in Palo Alto. We never could have
           done it on our own resources. So we're living together under the
           same roof, a situation fraught with potential dangers, you know,
           the old mother-daughter thing, your mother-in-law. And we said
           at the outset that we knew it was going to be difficult and that
           we wouldn't hide it under the table. We'd make sure that we put
           it on top.
                 It's been such an incredible journey for Julie and I.
           Julie is all set to write a book about it.
                 One of the incredible things about George was that he
           never stopped living. He changed his mind on some really big
           things as an older person, as a 60-odd-year-old, as a 72-year-
           old. It's quite astonishing, you know. But I think once you've
           been in a situation where your whole world, the things that
           you're sure about, have to be totally examined, you can see
           yourself whole and confident and competent, having gone through
           that change.
Sencer:     Yes. What's Julie doing now?
Lythcott:   Julie is dean of freshmen at Stanford, and just newly promoted
           to associate vice-provost. She just completed her 4th year, and
           they absolutely adore her. Every year they've changed her role
           and brought her more into the centrality of what's happening at
           the university.
                 This year, one of the things she initiated was that the
           incoming freshmen would read 3 books, or they could choose 1 of
           3. Stanford will have the authors there, during orientation, so
           that there will be a conversation between the authors and the
           freshmen. They chose books on Afghanistan, Haiti, and a
           collection of short stories about mothers and daughters.
Sencer:     Carrying On the Tradition.
Lythcott:   Carrying On the Tradition. That's exactly right. She has
           George's oratorical skills, and she has George's charisma.
                 You know, I saw George walk into a typical West African
           cocktail party (that's how people there spent their evenings),
           into a gathering of 80 people, and the room changed when he
           walked in. He had that power. Julie has that power too.
Sencer:     I'll tell you a story about George. We were in Mali and going
           out to the Dogon country. This was at the time of the 25th
           millionth vaccination. And we stopped at a little rest house way
           out in the middle of nowhere. At that time, Mali was very
           Chinese dominated. We walked in to the rest house. George was in
           a big orange jumpsuit. There were 3 Chinese in there, and they
           came over to him thinking him to be Malian, and George said,
           "Howdy, brothers!" And those Chinese turned tail and left,
           realizing he was an American.
Lythcott:   Oh, man! Yeah.
                 George was with the first team that went into China after
           Nixon went. And then he went a second time. The second time, he
           was walking on the Great Wall of China, and he heard someone
           call out behind him, "George Lythcott?"  Can't help
                 Can I just tell you how D.A. looked after us in Atlanta?
Sencer:     Please.
Lythcott:   We were living in a  motel, and D. A. was persuaded that
           trouble was brewing in the motel. We were breaking the
           segregation laws in several states at that time. I know that.
           And so he moved us for the duration to the apartment of at
           Unitarian minister.
                 And then, while we were still here, George had to go to
           Washington for some reason, I'm not sure why. We were newly
           married that year, and I had hardly seen George. You know, he'd
           been roaming around West and Central Africa since we got
           married. Three days after we got married, he left. And then he
           was gone for 9 weeks in the summer. So George said, "I want you
           to come with me." The idea was that we would go on the overnight
           train from Atlanta to Washington, getting into the Washington on
           the sleeper train at 6:30 in the morning. But D. A. was very
           worried about us, as was George. So they got the plan together,
           which was that both George and D. A-and I don't know how tall D.
           A. is, about 6'; George was 6'2½"-with their raincoats on,
           unbuttoned, would get to the railroad station, with me, and then
           we would walk fast. I'm 5'½" tall. Their raincoats would flap
           open, and I would be hidden behind these raincoat flaps, and
           they would hustle me on the train. And that's what they did. And
           all was well.
                 And then the last thing involved the chairman of the
           department in Oklahoma. He had come from Mississippi and had
           been told at his interview, "We have a black American on the
           faculty. How do you feel about it?"And the man had said, "Oh,
           just fine, just fine." And then a week or 2 after he became
           department chair, he called George in and said, "You need to
           know that I can't have anyone on my faculty whom I can't invite
           home to dinner."
                 Later, that same guy applied for a position to Johns
           Hopkins. All we knew was George got a brown paper envelope. In
           it was a letter of application from this guy, and D. A.'s
           response on a little office memo. D. A. just wrote on it, "Turn
           of the screw." So D. A. looked after us in really important
           ways.
Sencer:     Yes.
                 Well, thank you for talking.
Lythcott:   Oh, you're welcome.
Sencer:     And we'll sign off now at 10:25. Thank you very much.
Lythcott:   Thank you.
                                    # # #
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&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;Smallpox disease was declared eradicated in 1980, the result of a collaborative global campaign. To date, it is the only disease affecting humans to be eradicated from the world. Global eradication of smallpox ranks among the great achievements of humankind. Gone, through determined human effort, is a disease which has brought death to millions, frequently altering the course of history, and traveling through the centuries to every part of the world.  &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The vital contributions made by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are highlighted. Official government correspondence, meeting transcripts, policy statements, surveillance reports and mortality statistics tell a part of that story. Adding depth to these traditional archives are the personal stories of the public health pioneers who worked tirelessly on the frontlines of the smallpox eradication campaign.&lt;/p&gt;
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              <text>&lt;pre&gt;&lt;strong&gt;
 Interview Transcript
&lt;/strong&gt;
INTERVIEW WITH RON WALDMAN

Elisa:      This is an interview with Ron Waldman on July 11th 2008 at the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia about his
role in the smallpox eradication project.  The interviewer is Elisa Coskey.
 With this interview we're hoping to capture for future generations the
memories of participants and their families involved in eradicating
smallpox.  This is an incredibly important and historic achievement and we
want to hear about your experience.  I have some questions to guide you but
please feel free to recount any special stories or anecdotes that you
remember about events or people.  The legal agreement you just signed says
that you're donating the oral history to the U.S. Federal government and it
will be in the public domain.  For the record could you please state your
full name and that you know you are being recorded?

Ron:  Ron Waldman.  Yes, I know I'm being recorded.

Elisa:      Okay, thank you very much and thanks again for being here
today.  I just want to start with a few chronological questions and if you
can describe for me briefly your childhood, your college education and what
influenced you to become interested in public health in general.

Ron:  Well, my childhood was spent in New York City and then in Long Beach,
New York where I graduated from high school.  I went to college at the
University of Rochester in upstate New York and then to Law School at the
University of Chicago in nineteen sixty seven where I studied for one year
until I left the U.S. during a period when many people my age then were
leaving out of objections for the Vietnam war and I ended up in medical
school at the University of Geneva in Switzerland.  I can't honestly say
that while there I had any exposure to public health at all and I really
didn't know what I wanted to do in medicine with my medical degree when it
was awarded to me somewhat surprisingly in nineteen seventy - in May of
nineteen seventy five.  Being a foreigner in Switzerland that time meant
that without having the benefit any more of a student permit to live there
I had to leave the country and I really didn't have much knowledge of what
I was going to do.  While there I had been coaching a high school baseball
team and I was talking one day to my star pitcher from the team who was
graduating from the international school in Geneva at the time.  And we
were talking about what we were going to do.  I asked him what he was going
to do and he said he was going to go out to Colorado to ski.  And he asked
me what I was going to do and I said I didn't have any idea, that I had
just finished medical school at the university and I would probably end up
doing something related to medicine.  And he said, "Oh that's pretty
interesting.  You ought to meet my girlfriend."  And I said, "Why?"  "Well
her dad works with the World Health Organization," and I said, "Okay well
bring her to the next game."  So, he came to the next game accompanied by
his girlfriend and she said, "Well you ought to go up and see my dad," and
her dad turned out to be D.A. Henderson.  So I went up to meet with him and
was long hair and all at the time ushered up to the smallpox offices where
I don't remember exactly what happened but the upside of it was that they
asked me if could leave for Bangladesh within the next few days and I said
sure.  And that's how I got my introduction to public health and to
smallpox, which has been basically the beginning of career that's still
going on.

Elisa:      So, quite an unanticipated chain of events.

Ron:  Very serendipitous event as had other previous events been so yeah,
not the usual pathway into the program.  I don't think so.  I left as a
basically - no basically I left for Bangladesh a few days after that
meeting as a WHO volunteer so smallpox eradication was really my first job
of a serious nature but I didn't get paid really any more than just the
subsistence that WHO volunteers had at the time.  I didn't know anyone who
was working in public health.  I didn't know what public health was.  I'm
sorry to say and maybe it doesn't reflect well on the very strong academic
program at the University of Geneva medical school, but I hadn't really
heard of smallpox and I am not entirely sure that I had heard of Bangladesh
either but there I went.

Elisa:      Quite the adventure you were beginning.  Can you tell me a
little bit about your arrival there in Bangladesh and?

Ron:  Yeah.  We went - I remember leaving Geneva and we were heading off
for training in Delhi.  I remember distinctly flying into Delhi and when
they opened the door of the plane there was this rush of heat that I had
never experienced before in my life and I knew I was somewhere different.
We had a small orientation group there in India.  I remember some of the
people who were in that group with whom I'm still good friends.  I think
that orientation took about five days.  Some people stayed in India, others
were sent on to Bangladesh that's where the action was and I remember that
first plane trip t o Bangladesh.  I never thought I was going to land at
all.  It was May, the beginning of the monsoon season and the plane flew
over Dhaka, tried to land, storms came in, the plane was rocking, it was
just awful.  For about an hour they kept circling around and trying to
land.  They couldn't and eventually the plane went back to Calcutta where
we spent the night.  This is all like in the fog of all of this newness
happening to me.  We were forced to spend the night in Calcutta, got out
the next day.  They took us to the airport, put us on a plane again and
flew us off to Dhaka where this time we landed and we were greeted by
Daniel Tarantola who was - I don't know exactly what but high up in the
smallpox bureaucracy in Bangladesh - and taken into another orientation
session that lasted about a week.  And that's where I met all these
acquaintances and many of which were with people that I'm still in regular
contact with as I am with Danielle just now.  At the end of that
orientation where they were talking about things like imprest accounts and
administrative matters and stuff that I really didn't understand and which
I had frankly little interest, they shipped me off.  I was young and there
were few of us, a number of volunteers like myself.  They shipped me off to
the northeastern corner of the country, Syhlet district and there I went.
I went from Syhlet - the smallpox base in Syhlet they shipped me off even
further towards the Indian border to a upazila I think they're called now,
a thana called Chhatak - a town called Chhatak where there were no roads.
They had given me an outboard motor.  I had no experience with motorboats
but they gave an outdoor motor.  I carried it up there on my back, found a
boat, found a driver and started doing what they had instructed me to do
which was to conduct surveillance activity.

Elisa:  You mentioned that you traveled further outside of your central
village and had an outboard motor.  Can you tell a little bit about what
travel was like, did you have a team with you?

Ron:  I had one person with me basically, a driver who I had hired.   I
located up there.  This was a place it was really far out in many ways but
it was a place that had a big paper pulp factory that was run by an Eastern
European country and when I got up there I didn't speak the language or
anything.  But I went over there and with a translator -- I had a
translator -- just to find somebody who could drive me around in this
motorboat.  And we located a guy who just turned out to be fantastic and
who literally saved my life a number of times.  He'd been a freedom fighter
during the Bangladeshi war of independence and those guys, Rakkhi Bahini
they were called, were very highly respected by everyone.  This was a guy
of indeterminate age I would say.  He had long flowing white beard but I
don't think he was very old.  He was probably in his forties or early
fifties.  And he attached himself to me and when we explained what I was
there to do and what the program was about and became a very, very loyal,
faithful, dedicated and incredibly competent colleague.  We went around
with fliers and posters and obviously had supplies of vaccine, bifurcated
needles, everything else that we needed to control outbreaks of smallpox
should we find them.  We went around to - there were no roads literally.
We only had the rivers to follow and then when enough rain had fallen and
as I mentioned we were on the Indian border and when they created
Bangladesh they just - the surveyors establishing the boundaries would walk
and walk and walk and as soon as they took a step up, that's where they
drew the border.  So, Bangladesh was completely flat and there was no rock
to build with.  So, all of the stones for construction came from the Indian
side of the border and they would carry them along the rivers in these long
- I don't know - canoe like boats that they would load with rock until
there was no free board whatsoever on the side of the boat.  They were
going with the top of their boats flushed with the waterline.  Why not?
There wasn't really any motorized traffic in these areas until I came along
with my motorboat.  So, I basically held their lives in - my driver did
cause if we had created wake going past them with their boats filled with
rock they were going down.  So, the upshot of it was that basically I was
king of the river or my driver was.

So, it was really kind of we went everywhere.  Like we went to market
places, mosques, other gathering places, every little village we could
find.  After it had rained enough we could go straight as the crow flies.
We didn't have to stay to the course of the rivers.  Little rice paddies
filled with water and the whole place was under water.  I remember that we
would just go straight from one point to another.  Sometimes they had these
little dykes between the rice paddies and sometimes we would hit our motor
up against those dykes and we would break off what's called a shearing pin
that keeps the propeller in place.  So, we always had to have a hefty stock
of shearing pins whenever we traveled.  I remember that and I remember
having to change them quite a number of times.  As time went by I learned
how to deal with the boat and I learnt enough of the language to get by so
that on the weekends when we would go down to Syhlet to get a little R&amp;amp;R;
for a day or so with the other smallpox workers from the region, I used to
take the boat down myself.  I'd leave the driver up at home with his family
and I used to go down probably about a three-hour ride with this little
maybe thirty horsepower Yamaha engine that we had.  So, I got to be pretty
good with the motorboat in addition to smallpox.  And you know by now many
people must have explained what the deal was.  We would ask if people - we
had these recognition cards that the WHO had given us and we'd show them
around and we would invite people to tell us if they had seen anybody with
a rash that led them to suspect that this person might have smallpox.  And
then we would go out to that place, to the person's house.  We'd try to get
enough information to know where it was.  And if indeed we identified the
patient as a person who had smallpox we would institute containment
activities which meant that we would isolate the patient in the home, hire
guards from the village to make sure that no one could come in or out of
the person's hut and we began vaccination routine.  That's when we started
hiring people and we would round up as many people as we could.  They were
usually younger kids who were interested; at least interested in earning
the pittance that we were paying them.  Six taka a day I remember really.
It wasn't very much money and they would begin to - we would instruct them
on how to vaccinate and they would begin vaccinating everybody.  I don't
remember exactly what the protocol was but it was maybe within the first
day to vaccinate everybody within a one hundred meter radius of the index
case and then within five days maybe three hundred meter radius or five
hundred meter radius and eventually up to a kilometer around the case.

For us it wasn't difficult at all because this was a pretty sparsely
populated rural area and as I mentioned everything was water.  So, the
little villages if you could call them that, the clusters of homes were all
on little islands basically that just were slightly elevated above the
water.  Maybe there'd be ten or twenty homes or something like that so we
do 00:15:25 and vaccinate everybody and then just get back in the boat and
go to the next line and get out and explain what we were doing there and
vaccinate everybody.  So it really wasn't for me all that many people.  On
the other hand we had a lot of smallpox.  So, out of all the people that
you will be talking to, I've seen as many cases of smallpox as anyone.
This happened I think it was in March or April or maybe early May in
Bangladesh the government knocked down the slums in the capital city of
Dhaka and when they did that people fled back to their home villages and
they transported diseases all over the country.  During that - I know it's
a big event that the WHO people really tried and CDC people really tried to
get the government not to do this but the government was intent on knocking
down these slums and they did and because then when smallpox was carried
throughout the country that's when they had this huge resurgence.  They had
been doing quite well in bringing it under control but in that spring of
nineteen seventy five there was a huge resurgence in the number of cases
which is why coming full circle, they were so interested in taking anybody
who would go basically and sending them out there.  So, when I turned up on
the basis of D A's daughter's recommendation at the offices in WHO they
were really happy to see a warm body who was willing to go out there.  They
were throwing everything into trying to bring the epidemiological situation
back under control.

Elisa:      Very interesting.  Can you tell a little bit about your
reception in some of these villages or as you called them like clusters of
homes in combination with the social circumstances at the time?  Were there
ever any challenges that arose for you?

Ron:  Yeah, that's a terrific question and one that my answer will maybe be
a little bit controversial and has been at other meetings of smallpox
people.  One of the reasons why the smallpox eradication effort in
countries like Bangladesh was so successful was that those of us working in
the program were fanatically committed to its success.  I think that the
tone was set by those people who were leaders and Bangladesh for us it was
Stan Foster, Daniel Tarantola, a number of others, people from the CDC but
we were going to get this job done.  And I can't even tell you with
tremendous accuracy what the reception was.  Sometimes it was quite warm,
we were always invited.  I remember before we did anything when we arrived
there and remember I was traveling with a guy who was incredibly respected
in society there and who everyone knew.  But we were always asked to take a
seat; we were always offered green coconuts and the coconut water.  We were
offered tea always with - whatever little bit they had to offer guests we
were always offered right off the bat.  The hospitality was incredible.
When it came to doing the job of if it meant isolating somebody in a home,
if it meant vaccinating people who might not want to be vaccinated for one
reason or another, the reception could become at times a little cooler.
But it never really dissuaded us from getting the job done.  So there were
times when things were done even forcibly.  If people tried to flee when it
was their turn to be vaccinated because they were afraid of what it might
be and it was never I don't think all together adequately explained to
people or maybe it was and they didn't understand.  They could be at times
physically restrained and forcibly vaccinated.

I have a very deep and abiding interest in human rights and in the
relationship between communicable disease control and human rights.  But I
have to say that at least in my - from my personal experiences in
Bangladesh there were times when one could be questioned about one's
respect for other people's rights to have a particular intervention
explained to them.  And I know that this was the case in India as well and
there was some papers and the literature to talk about this.  There were
times - I was very friendly because I had this big motorboat, not big but I
had a motorboat, which was unusual for the area so the military forces
would come by at times and you know just to see what I was up to because I
had something that could be of value to them under certain circumstances.
So, I was kind of friends with the military and people knew that and it was
interesting.  But we always got the job done and I really, really hope that
we did it with the maximum amount of explaining to people what we were
after and to the largest degree possible with their assent and their
accord.

Elisa:      Okay.  I'm really interested in hearing a little bit more about
your relationship with your guide.  It sounds like he was an incredible
asset to your whole experience there and you mentioned really early in our
conversation that there were a couple of times when he may have even saved
your life.  Could you discuss that a little bit more?

Ron:  Well sure.  So, you know he was a Rakkhi Bahini.  He was with the
Bangladeshi Liberation Fighters during the war of separation from - of
independence, Bangladesh independence from Pakistan, which was in 1971 and
1972.  These are the guys who - they're the - that war was terrible as wars
are in that part of the world, in any part of the world and the Pakistani
forces would pillage villages, rape women and so on and so forth.  And the
major resistance was in the peripheral areas where these, I guess you could
call them to a certain extent guerilla fighters who would do what they
could to resist.  Hit and run activities.  Just you know, sabotage and
whatever.  These are guys who would when they were being chased they would
stay underwater.  The apocryphal stories were that they would stay
underwater for 12 or 24 hours at a time breathing through a reed they would
have plucked from the brush on the side of a river.  So they were legendary
and he happened to be a part of that and in the post independence days they
could pretty much do what they wanted.  And he was just a really upstanding
guy who wanted to continue to provide service to the people and the country
that he loved.  And he was very, very happy to hook up with the smallpox
eradication program.  I don't remember if he had had relatives who had died
of smallpox but everybody knew people who had smallpox.  It was a fairly
common disease in that part of the world.  So yeah, I was really lucky that
I had him because I'm sure I could have made some serious diplomatic faux
pas and probably did and I'm sure I don't know of all the many times that
he protected me actually.  But I did say that there were times when he did
save my life and that's true because as I said I didn't really know what I
was doing with the motorboat at all and I would go and get in trouble with
it a lot of the time.  And I remember one time leaving - I lived in a
guesthouse on one part of this town of Chhatak and he lived on the other
side of the town along the river still.  I remember I took the boat out one
evening just to go for a little spin and it stalled.  There was a big river
we were on, the Surma River and I took the boat out and I didn't know what
I was doing.  And the motor stalled out and I got caught in a current and I
was going down, down the river to places I didn't know.  I didn't speak the
language; I didn't know where I was going to end up or how I was going to
get out of it.  I just remember that as I was going down past where he
lived I was waving my arms and everything and somehow he was there and he
saw me.  I don't know how.  And he hopped into a canoe like thing and
paddled out to the motorboat and got it started and took me home.  It was
dark by then I remember.  I was a little scared but I remember him coming
to the rescue.

Elisa:      Great story.  Can you tell me anything about your relationships
with other country counterparts and your relationship with other WHO team
members, CDC team members?

Ron:  Yeah.  In terms of the country counterparts I didn't have - in that
iteration I later was transferred - actually maybe I was transferred
because of this incident that I might recount now.  So I did - I was up
there for about five or six months in that part and then I was transferred
down.  We took - smallpox was over and I was assigned to an area that was
on the Bay of Bengal so in the southern part of the country, Noakhali it
was called.  My relations with the Bangladeshi Ministry of Health officials
who were up there in Chhatak my first posting were not so great.  I
remember - you know we worked a lot - a lot of people who have been working
in the malaria program came over and were assigned to smallpox.  And for
the most part the ones I had to deal with were not - maybe they were
malaria people but I remember there were some district medical officers.
Remember this is my first job ever and I was - you know we were focused is
what we wanted to do and that my impression is that as I remember it now is
that I wasn't impressed with their dedication to their job.   I thought
that they were not working hard enough to get the job done.  I thought that
they could have been doing a lot more and basically I didn't have so much
respect for their competence.  Now I've been working in global health ever
since then so for the past thirty or some odd years or more and I know a
lot of things now that I should have known then about how much they were
being paid, how they had to do other things to earn a living to support
their families.  I didn't have any of these things.  I had never had a
paying job and still didn't have a paying job.  I didn't have a family.  I
had nothing but smallpox eradication.  And I went in and I suspect I was
probably an imperious, self-centered, uncaring foreigner who didn't know
anything about the place where I was working.  I didn't even have an
appreciation for learning the culture or having an understanding of the
history of the place.  I was a young kid, brash, brazen and interested in
only one thing which was getting the job done that I was there to do as
quickly and as effectively as possible and I was probably pretty obnoxious.


On the other hand there were things that in the way that I was treated
there also they were pretty annoying and people will tell you Bangladeshis
have this strange habit that I've really never seen any place else of
staring and gathering around foreigners and staring at them and sometimes
just poking.  And just you know they don't have the same at least then or
at least my perception then was that they didn't have same respect for
individual space that we have.  On top that I'm left handed and they eat
with their hands and I ate with my left hand which wasn't a really cool
thing to do in a society like that.  I remember I had to go out to a
restaurant in town.  I always went to the same place every night to eat the
small amount that there was to eat but people commented.  I'd be trying to
eat and people would be - you'd have a crowd around you cause they didn't
see 00:29:04 standing there looking, staring at you or what you were doing.
 And I'd be eating and I'd be eating with the wrong hand and eventually the
restaurant owner took pity on me and built a small little - put a curtain
up in a corner of the restaurant and that would by my area where I could go
and eat in peace.  So it was tough.  It was a lot of pressure on me.  It
was a strange environment, it was my first job and so on and so forth and
it got at times a little lonely up there.  I was on my own in terms of WHO
team and it was tremendous.  It was just a phenomenal learning experience
that I tried to handle as well as possible.  I'm very happy that we got the
job done.  I'm very happy to have had that experience and to have grown so
much from it, to have learned from it and to have launched my career there
and I've had a great career since then.  So, that was good.  In terms of
other people from WHO there was another guy like me a young - I think he's
going to be here this weekend, in the thana next door, much bigger thana.
I had - most of us had a - I forget what the words that the administrative
areas were called; you know the equivalent of a province or region or
something.  And most of the people were assigned to a region of a country
that contained a number of districts.  I had one district under my - in my
area of supervision.  It was a large district and it was so difficult to
get around.  But there was a guy in the one next-door called Sunamganj who
had the same job as I did and we would get together occasionally.  Not all
that often cause it was probably an hour down the big river between us.  An
hour one way and an hour back the other way against the current.  It's a
lot.  We did get together as I mentioned on weekends probably about eight
or ten people.  Steve Jones was the sort of overall supervisor of all of us
working in that area and we would go down to his place in the center of
Syhlet and meet up for a weekend.

Elisa:      Did you find it helpful to have a group of people that you
could sort of commune with to share your experiences with who were also
foreigners doing the same type of job and what sort of things did you do
when you got together?

Ron:  Yeah.  Yeah, I found it great.  It was a good break from the field.
I think we went every two weeks.  It was a good break from the field.  It
was only a couple of days which was fine because after a day you wanted to
get back to the field and back to work anyway.  But it was a nice house and
it had a roof.  I remember we used to sit up on the roof and you know if
somebody got their hands on a couple of cans of beer or a bottle of whisky
or some marijuana or whatever it was we would have a nice little time and
it was a good break.  And then we'd go back and back to work.  But we
really only went down for the Dhaka very, very rarely maybe.  Maybe I went
in the whole time I was up there twice at the most except that in the
middle of all this I had mentioned my relationship with the military.  In
the middle of all this the President of the country Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
was assassinated by a military coup and it was basically a lock down every
place.  And they came because they knew where I was and took my boat
because they needed it to get around.  So that was a little scary too cause
you know we communicated with the center by radio, walkie-talkie and
communications were down, they took my boat.  It was a little scary for a
little while but I don't remember how eventually I got down to Dhaka but I
know that during that period we were called back in and I know that I got
there somehow so that was okay.

Elisa:      I'd like to talk a little bit about how your experiences in
Bangladesh impacted the rest of your life and as you said it started you on
a long career in public health.

Ron:  Yeah, it sure did.  I mean I - while I was there obviously I met a
lot of the people from here from the CDC who had gone out there.  Some
people were there for a long time like Stan and Steve Jones.  They were
doing - they stayed in smallpox for a while.  Other people, a lot of people
came through on a regular basis from the CDC.  We used to call them 90-day
wonders.  Those of us who were the hippie volunteers in the field after a
month or so you were a veteran and you knew what you were doing and you
were totally experienced.  And here came these new coming guys from the EIS
or whatever and they were going to come out for three months where we had
all made two year commitments or more.  And we just, 'big hot shot docs
from the U.S.' and we used to look down on them a lot.  Try to make fun of
them whenever we could so we called them ninety day wonders but I met a lot
of them and asked them questions like you're asking me, "Why did you get
into public health, what are you doing, do you like it?" and I liked a lot
of them and they liked me.  And before I left they asked if I would
consider joining the EIS program and I said, "Yeah let me in.  It sounds
good."  I'd finally found my calling.  This is really wanted to do was the
kind of stuff I was doing, the field work that I was doing in Bangladesh.

Elisa:      Sure.  I was just asking about how your experiences in
Bangladesh influenced your subsequent career in public health?

Ron:  So, I met a lot of people from the CDC and I liked them, they liked
me and before I left they asked if I would consider joining the EIS.  I
said sure but I had remembered I didn't have any internship.  I had just
graduated from medical school and had my degree.  So, it was a requirement
that you had to do an internship so eventually when I left smallpox, I
guess it was in seventy seven, I went back to the States where I hadn't
been in some time, almost ten years and I did an internship.  And then I
liked that so I stayed another year and I started doing a residency in
internal medicine.  But then I started not liking it so much but what I did
was I had called D.A. Henderson.  I went Johns Hopkins after having
contacted D.A. again and I got my Masters in Public Health degree.  They
had then a preventive medicine program and the second year of their
preventive medicine program that I was in they would place the students
with state and county health departments and things like that.  So, I
remember that the chief resident, the head of that residency program asked
me, "Well Ron for your practicum how would you like to go work with the EIS
officer in Maryland?"  And that sort of triggered my memories of EIS.  I
was a student.  I was paying them for the privilege and here they wanted me
to go and work alongside of whoever the EIS officer was who was making what
was a not bad salary.  So, I basically said, "Listen that reminds me.  I
don't want to work with EIS officer I can be the EIS officer."  And I
applied to the EIS that year and got in and there you have it.  I was
assigned to the state of Michigan to do my EIS and that time I was one of
the few people in the EIS class that had substantial overseas -
international experience, my Bangladesh experience but I don't know if they
counted my Switzerland experience or not I don't know.  But early on they
asked me if I wanted to go and work in the Cambodian crisis.  The genocide
from Cambodia had resulted in large numbers of people fleeing to Thailand
and they asked if I would head a team from CDC to - no they asked if I
would work as a epidemiologist on a team of people going out there and for
a number of reasons I didn't want to do that so I didn't go.  I was
involved in other stuff in Michigan actually but a few months there was a
crisis, a refugee crisis in Somalia and they asked me again.
The CDC had very good ties with Somalia because it was the last country
that had smallpox and there was a guy there in particular named Abullahi
Deria who had been instrumental in the Somalia effort to control smallpox
and he had friends -- Bill Fagee notably -- at the CDC.  And they asked me
if I would head a team going out to Somalia.  And by that time I had things
in Michigan under better control and I was happy to do that.  So, I went
out to Somalia for about three months we organized things with the ministry
of health.  Now I really had the benefit of much more experience than I did
the first time I had done this and we did a pretty darn good job.  Some
people came over who I met who were excellent.  We had a number of EIS
officers and we did a really good job there organizing what was called the
refugee health unit at the ministry of health in Somalia.  And was actually
the first time that we were able to undertake a series of fairly decent
epidemiological studies that enabled us to define and describe the kinds of
problems that refugees face when they are settled in refugee camps as at
that time was so often the case.  With other colleagues here and people
that we brought in here afterwards we really kind of developed the
epidemiology of refugee health and that's - did that for a long time.
After EIS I'd gone to Somalia two or three times 00:40:14 EIS.  Then there
was - I applied for a position here in what was called the international
health program office and I was accepted into that and I came down to
Atlanta to work.  But there was a reduction in force in the public health
service so they shipped me out to Somalia again and I was there for another
six months and we developed primary health care programs and so on and so
forth.  But the point is that I basically stayed connected to the CDC here
for about five years in the international health program office.
Eventually I became a division director in that office.  Stan Foster was -
there were three divisions.  Stan Foster was the other division director on
the country support side and I was the head of the technical support
division.  We were implementing a program called Combating Childhood
Communicable Diseases in fourteen African countries, a programs funded by
USAID so I was traveling all over the place doing a variety of stuff.
Before taking the division director job I had been posted as an
epidemiologist in Africa so I was in Abidjan, Ivory Coast for three years
for the CDC as a regional epidemiologist in the context of this combating
childhood communicable diseases or Triple C D Program as it was called.
Interestingly there were three of us in Africa, three regional
epidemiologists.  Myself, there were two people during that time in then
Zaire and then in Malawi David Hamen was posted who had also been in
smallpox in India in west Bengal at the same time that I had been in
Bangladesh.  So we were pretty close friends and we still are to this day.
After that I stayed here until about - I don't know - eighty eight, eighty
nine, something like that and then I moved to Geneva to WHO and became
eventually the head of cholera program there but continued doing refugee
work.  So, I served in a - I was asked to coordinate humanitarian
assistance for CDC.  I was still at CDC.  During the Gulf War I was in
northern Iraq and Turkey and then continued to work in these humanitarian
crises.  I was seconded by CDC to the UN to coordinate infectious disease
control policy in Zaire after the Rwanda genocide in Goma and just
continued on.  And I had - eventually I built up a reputation here of
getting very creative assignments and in nineteen ninety four still on a
CDC billet, I was actually assigned to the private sector to a company
called John Snow Incorporated that is a contractor to USAID.  And they had
a very large child health program, a hundred and twenty five million dollar
program called BASICS and I was the technical director of that for a while.
 And then still on a CDC billet I did that for about five years and then I
was asked to start this program at the Mailman School of Public Health of
Columbia.  It was called the - it is called still the program on forced
migration and health.  And then I eventually retired from CDC although I'm
still - well now I'm working for USAID on pandemic preparedness.  So yeah
that initial experience not only exposed me to public health but also
exposed me to the CDC where I've spent the better part of my career doing
different things all directly involved in global health.  And so I'm really
grateful to have had that experience because while I was in medical school
what I was entertaining most was becoming a thoracic surgeon which sort of
would have taken me in a different direction all together.

Elisa:      A very different direction.

Ron:  Yeah.

Elisa:      Well, thank you so much for sharing your experience.  It sounds
like experience with smallpox in Bangladesh certainly started off a very
long and rewarding career in public health.  And in closing I just want to
ask if there is anything else you would like to share, anything I didn't
touch on that you would like to add to our discussion?

Ron:  I guess the only thing that I would say in regards to smallpox
eradication, it's really taught me a lot about programming and I think that
different people have different thoughts about not so much smallpox
eradication which everyone accepts has having been an inordinately
successful program.  But you know it spawned a number of other programs I
think we need to learn from the smallpox experience both the things that
were good about it but also the potential pitfalls that a program like this
created because it really was a big employment industry if you will,
smallpox.  It went in and it really took control of a lot of ministries of
health in a lot of poor and developing countries.  And all of the other
programs that were going on in a country like Bangladesh or like India, I
won't say all I don't want to exaggerate, but this really cut the legs out
from a lot of other programs because we took the personnel, we had the
resources, we had the action and we really set the agenda in a lot of these
countries.  And I think we have to learn from that because from smallpox
you've had a lot of other things happening.  One thing led to obviously the
guinea worm eradication program, the polio eradication programs, soon there
will be a measles eradication program.  And I think we have to learn that
the most important thing that's come out of my experiences and my career
for me is that people have a right to access health care for whatever their
needs might be.  And we have to make sure when we're undertaking these very
singularly focused programs that we're doing it in a way that strengthens
rather than weakens health systems in poorer countries where people can
still go to a public health facility near where they live and make claims
on that facility to meet their current health needs.  Not everybody is
going to require smallpox services.  We should make sure that when these
other programs are being implemented and they're all good programs, that
they're not cutting the legs out from under malaria control programs or
diarrhea control programs or pneumonia programs or whatever else it might
be.  Those things that are so important to people's health and their
ability to survive and towards meeting the overarching millennium
development goals that have been set for all of us working in public
health.

Elisa:      Okay.  Thank you again for sharing with us and we appreciate
it.

Ron:  Thanks.
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