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                  <text>&lt;div class="landing"&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Smallpox disease was declared eradicated in 1980, the result of a collaborative global campaign. To date, it is the only disease affecting humans to be eradicated from the world. Global eradication of smallpox ranks among the great achievements of humankind. Gone, through determined human effort, is a disease which has brought death to millions, frequently altering the course of history, and traveling through the centuries to every part of the world.  &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The vital contributions made by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are highlighted. Official government correspondence, meeting transcripts, policy statements, surveillance reports and mortality statistics tell a part of that story. Adding depth to these traditional archives are the personal stories of the public health pioneers who worked tirelessly on the frontlines of the smallpox eradication campaign.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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              <text>&lt;pre&gt;&lt;strong&gt;
 Interview Transcript
&lt;/strong&gt;
This is an interview with Mrs. Paula Foege about her experiences in the
West African Smallpox Eradication Project. The interview is being conducted
at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia, on
July 13, 2006. This is a part of the 40th anniversary reunion of the West
African Smallpox Eradication Project. The interviewer is Victoria Harden.

Harden:     Mrs. Foege, could we start by your telling me briefly about
           your childhood and pre-college education; growing up; and what
           influenced your thoughts about what you should do in life?
Foege:           I was born in Chicago, Illinois. My family moved when I
           was 4 years old to Los Gatos, California, and my early memories,
           then, are of that. It was a very simple time. My father was a
           salesman, and he traveled to San Francisco every Monday and came
           back every Friday. I just remember it as a quiet time with
           neighbors, and going to school, small schools. Then from there,
           we moved 3 different times in California, and ended up in Palo
           Alto, where I went to high school.
Harden:     Were there any particular people in your life-your mother,
           ministers, teachers-anybody who inspired you as to what you
           might want to be?
Foege:           I think my teachers very much inspired me. From my very
           first memories, I wanted to be a teacher. And back then, there
           weren't that many vocations that were actually available for
           women, but that was always my love and my goal. I love children.
           At a very early age, I would babysit and play school.
                 My mother was a stay-at-home mother and my very closest
           friend. Her parents were very influential. They had come from
           Norway. I had a friend who had 3 sisters. I would say I spent
           the majority of my time at her house.
Harden:     Tell me about going to college, and how you met your husband.
Foege:           Well, I went off to college. My grandfather was a
           minister, and we were involved in the Lutheran church. My older
           brother by 3 years went to a Lutheran college in Minnesota, and
           I decided I would like to do that also. But I didn't want to go
           to the same college that he did. We had taken a family vacation
           up to the Pacific Northwest, and I really just loved it. And so
           the Pacific Lutheran College was in Tacoma, and that's where I
           chose to go. It's surprising to me that I did that because I was
           a very shy child, and to make a complete break from home and
           family was not characteristic of me.
                 But I got on the airplane, took off by myself, got a taxi
           when I arrived, and went off to school, where I think 2 days
           later I met Bill [Foege]. And he stood out because he was so
           tall. He was a senior, I was a freshman, and was a prankster
           even then. We had been to some parties where you get to know
           other people, and he was not supposed to be there; the parties
           were for freshmen. And he was casing out the new girls coming in
           with the freshman class. And so I met him. I didn't actually
           meet him at that party, but he stood out. Later on that week,
           coming out from the cafeteria, he was with some of his friends,
           and they had bets going on. "I bet you can't date the first
           woman who comes out the door," and it happened to be me. And so
           I said no. I don't know why I did; I just said no, that I
           couldn't do that. And he kind of followed me home, and made
           friends with my roommate, and I finally did date him, then. And
           I was only 18 years old.
Harden:     Only 18. When did you-all marry?
Foege:           We married when I was 20, so 2 years later. Quite
           surprising to me, my parents said yes and had no objections.
           Bill had completed 1 year of medical school; I'd completed 2
           years of college. And so we married December 23 because it was
           the only day he could make it, and we moved up to Seattle. I
           finished my undergraduate degree in the University of Washington
           while he was going to medical school.
Harden:     Now, I have just talked with him, and he was telling me a
           little about your moving around. When he finished medical
           school, he came down here to do the EIS training at the CDC, and
           then you went to Boston for him to get a Master's of Public
           Health at Harvard. I believe you had a child at some point along
           the way. What was it like for you?
Foege:           Our son, David, was born when Bill was an EIS Officer in
           Denver. And those were very quiet years, very simple compared to
           now. I had taught, a year before David was born, and then
           decided I would like to stay home with the children, which I
           did. It was somewhat difficult moving around because it was hard
           to have sustained friendships. But with the children, that made
           it easy because I would meet other mothers with children the
           same age.
Harden:     At that point. Now, it shifted pretty dramatically, though,
           didn't it, when he went to Nigeria, and you all were living in a
           very small village. Tell me about living in a small village and
           having a toddler.
Foege:           Well, it was good I was young because we just stepped
           right into it and just accepted it. The people of the village
           were just so kind to us. We would go to a market and people
           would walk up to us and give us, you know, like sixpence. This
           was just amazing to me because they had nothing. We didn't have
           that much ourselves-we were missionaries at the time-but we did
           compared to the people of the village.
                 It was extremely hot. We had no electricity. And even in
           the cool season, the lowest temperature was probably 75° at
           night, and the humidity was very high. And we slept under
           mosquito nets, which was difficult because it was so hot.
Harden:     Where did you get your water?
Foege:           Oh, my goodness. We hired a young man, and that's all he
           did all day. He had two 5-gallon drums-or 10-gallon drums, I
           can't remember-one on each side of his bicycle. And he would
           bicycle out to the water hole and bring water back for us. And
           then it wasn't fit to drink; it wasn't even fit to wash in. And
           so we had a stove, which was propane, and it went all day long,
           boiling water. So not only was it hot to begin with, and high
           humidity to begin with, but also we had this added to the house
           all day long, as well.
Harden:     And I presume if you had to go get your water, you didn't have
           any sewage systems or indoor plumbing for toilets.
Foege:           No, no. No, there was an outhouse, and I did not use it.
           We had a special little potty situation set up in the house, and
           then we would deposit it out in the outhouse.
Harden:     How about your child?  What was it like having a baby?
Foege:           David was 2 at the time, and believe it or not, it wasn't
           difficult. He played with the children in the village. The
           reason we were living in the village was to try to learn the
           local language. And he taught them little sayings in English,
           something about a cereal. We had seen the advertisement on
           television before we came. We went out in the village 1 day, and
           all these little children were sitting on the ground, and they
           were going, "We want Cheerios," or something of that sort. So
           the children had no problems communicating with each other, as
           children do. They just played together.
Harden:     Were you lonely?
Foege:           Yes. Yes.
Harden:     Lonely for friends your own age?
Foege:           Yes, and lonely for family.
Harden:     And lonely for family.
Foege:           Yes. It was a situation in which we were together as a
           family all day long, so that was helpful. Bill and I would go to
           language lessons together. There were other missionaries in the
           area who didn't live in our village, but lived in other
           villages. So we would all get together for our language lessons,
           and that was helpful.
Harden:     Now, as the political situation started heating up, you and
           your son, I believe, moved to Lagos, and then Bill had to get
           out fairly suddenly.
Foege:           Yes, right.
Harden:     How worrisome is all this for you at this time?
Foege:           Well, while we were in Enugu, and people were so kind to
           us; it was not frightening. There was high sentiment against the
           English at that time, but not against Americans. So we felt
           quite comfortable. When we were evacuated, Bill was actually
           working for the smallpox program. He was on loan from the
           mission, so that we had made close friends, Dave and Joanne
           Thompson [David M. and Joan Thompson] and Paul and Mary
           Lichfield. The women and the children were all evacuated
           together. Bill describes-perhaps he did in his interview-how he
           watched the airplane. Every seat in the plane was taken up with
           a mother and a child or two, and so we were heavily weighted
           down. So he watched the airplane, like, slowly, slowly try to
           gather height. And then we were only in Lagos for a short period
           before we were evacuated to the States. So it was difficult
           leaving our husbands behind and not knowing exactly what was
           going to happen, exactly what was going on. I had faith that
           Bill would handle himself well, and I know he told you how he
           went back and forth between the two fighting areas.
Harden:     Yes. When you came back to the States, it was the summer of
           1967, if I am correct? And you all were delighted that you were
           coming back to civilization, only when you got to New York you
           found out it was having some problems. Do you want to tell me
           that story?
Foege:           I can't say how many women and children there were, I
           don't know, but a good many, probably 80. The pilot could only
           fly so many hours so we hopped from country to country, trying
           to find a second pilot, so that they could then take the long
           journey across the ocean. Once we had, our first stop was Puerto
           Rico, and we all had to get out of the plane. W all had to
           gather our luggage and go through customs. And by then, our
           nerves were pretty frayed. You know, children were crying,
           everybody was tired, and people were complaining, "Why do we
           have to do this?" and whatnot. At that time, we had two
           children. Our second son was born when we were in the States,
           but we had returned to Nigeria. So I have, you know, one child
           on my hip and another one, making sure he stays close to me, and
           gathering all our luggage and trying to get all our papers
           together and whatnot. Bill had already done much, much traveling
           around the world at this time, and my thought was, "Well, this
           is one place I've been that Bill hasn't been." So it was worth
           it.
                 When we arrived in New York, it was summertime and it was
           hot. And we were put up in a hotel in which the air-conditioning
           system was broken. But the heating system wasn't. And so it must
           have been like 100° in our hotel room. And then the next day, we
           all scattered out to our separate homes.
Harden:     I understand there was a problem with the bus. Was this the
           same trip?
Foege:           That was a different trip. I know it was because Bill was
           along. Did Bill tell you about that trip?
Harden:     Yes, he was telling me some about it. I thought I might hear it
           from your side, your perspective.
Foege:           Yes. Well, we arrived in, again, New York. And the bus
           that we were put on was not working properly. So they put us all
           on the bus, and they couldn't get the bus started, and so they
           asked the men to all get off the bus. So all the men got off the
           bus. Here, again, it was like 90° and probably midnight. And all
           the men, then, were to push the bus so it could get a jump-
           start. And we got on, and they went a ways, and the driver did
           not have enough gas in the bus. So the situation was, do you
           stop, or do you go? Do you stop and not be able to get the bus
           started again, or do you just go and run out of gas? And so, he
           finally decided he needed to stop for gas, and he filled up. And
           then they couldn't get the bus started again. They were trying
           to get us to our hotel so they sent out different cars and small
           buses to pick us up, and they said, "All the men go on this
           side, and all of the women and children go over here," and I was
           like, the way this trip has been going, I'm not being separated
           from my husband. So I think they took all the women, and all the
           men and me and the children went in another vehicle.
Harden:     They don't prepare you in college for this kind of thing, do
           they?
Foege:           No, they don't. No.
Harden:     After you came back here in Atlanta, then did you-all go back
           to Africa during the duration of the smallpox program?
Foege:           Well, we went back for the relief program. If I recall
           correctly, I don't think Bill was involved in smallpox at that
           point. I think he was just involved with the relief work.
Harden:     This was the survey of malnutrition?
Foege:           Yes. Right.
Harden:     And you and the children went with him?
Foege:           And we went with him. To me, an interesting point on that
           is that we started off in the village, with no electricity, no
           running water, under mosquito nets-a really fairly
           unsophisticated situation. And then we were in our village
           mission compound, where we had only running water. And then we
           moved to Enugu, and we lived in a very small flat. And then we
           had running water and electricity. We didn't have air-
           conditioning. Our salary was paid by the mission field, and not
           by CDC. And that was very nice. And then finally we moved to
           Lagos, where we were staying in somebody's apartment who was on
           leave. It was very luxurious for us. So we had very different
           living experiences in our two years in Nigeria.
Harden:     Did you have servants at any point? I know you did not
           originally.
Foege:           We did, originally. His name was Lawrence, and he did the
           cleaning and the washing. I did the cooking, but he did
           everything else. He was a wonderful young man. When he first met
           us, he thought we were brother and sister, and that we were just
           children, because we were so young at the time. So he was a dear
           man, and really, really special with our children.
Harden:     I understand that it's kind of difficult for Americans in many
           ways, when they come to Africa. Some people feel very unsettled
           about having all these servants; they don't feel like they
           deserve them. But other people feel like, "Gee, this is great.
           Why should I go home?" Did you see all of this?
Foege:           Well, I was so grateful for Lawrence to help me. I don't
           think I could have managed everything on my own the way it was.
           And then he came with us when we went to Enugu, so he was with
           us for just about 2 years. I was grateful for him, and I didn't
           feel embarrassed or guilty to have him working with us. He
           became like a member of our family, really. He was probably only
           about 5 years younger than we were at the time. Then he followed
           us to Enugu, so he worked there, too. I continued to do the
           cooking, which was no small feat because everything was made
           from scratch. And he baked the bread for me, but other than
           that, I did my own cooking. When we were in Lagos, we did not
           have servants. There was really no need for it. What was very
           difficult for me was re-entering the United States.
Harden:     Why? Why was that difficult?
Foege:           Well, I was preparing for the culture shock in going to
           Nigeria. But I don't think other than the loneliness, that we
           really suffered much from culture shock. I was not prepared for
           the culture shock in coming back to the United States, where
           everything is at your fingertips. Everything is really almost
           overwhelming, just bombards you.
                 In Africa, we had a nice, quiet life, and Bill worked
           hard. He traveled a good deal, and that was difficult for us as
           a family. But life was sweet, and slow, and people were very
           generous to us-with us, and to us. Very, very friendly. And I
           found in coming back, you don't just step right back into your
           old life. People have gone on, and it takes a while to fit
           yourself back in again.
Harden:     Did you find yourself impatient with people in the United
           States when they complained, for example?
Foege:           I suppose, yes. People at first had an interest in what
           our life was like, but they were soon, you know, back to. . .It
           was almost, you know, like a "sweep it under the rug" kind of
           attitude. And, of course, they had not had the experiences that
           we had, so, you know, you tell a few stories and then it's on to
           life as usual.
Harden:     How would you characterize the impact that these experiences
           had on your family and on yourself?
Foege:           It certainly made a difference in our lives. Our oldest
           son still remembers Africa, and the children had later
           experiences in India, so the two situations together made an
           even stronger impression. But our older son was 4 when we came
           back home, so that's still quite young. But he does remember a
           good deal. I would say it gave our children a tolerance for
           different styles of living, different religions, certainly the
           impact of poverty compared to what it's like in the United
           States. Empathy. Empathy for other people, definitely.
Harden:     Before we stop, is there anything else about this program that
           you would like to say?
Foege:           Well, the program was wonderful in many areas-in helping
           people, in discovering new ways to handle different health
           programs, in the people that we met, who were basically not
           people who were out for what is life going to give to me, but
           what can I give to others. And that had a big impact on all of
           us.
Harden:     It was an idealistic time, I perceive.
Foege:           It was. It definitely was. And it's so exciting to be here
           now and to see some of these people we haven't seen for 38
           years.
Harden:     And I thank you very much for talking with me.
Foege:           You're very welcome.
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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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                <text>FOSTER: BANGLADESH</text>
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                <text>Dr. Foster discusses the Bangladesh Smallpox Eradication Program</text>
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                  <text>&lt;div class="landing"&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Smallpox disease was declared eradicated in 1980, the result of a collaborative global campaign. To date, it is the only disease affecting humans to be eradicated from the world. Global eradication of smallpox ranks among the great achievements of humankind. Gone, through determined human effort, is a disease which has brought death to millions, frequently altering the course of history, and traveling through the centuries to every part of the world.  &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The vital contributions made by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are highlighted. Official government correspondence, meeting transcripts, policy statements, surveillance reports and mortality statistics tell a part of that story. Adding depth to these traditional archives are the personal stories of the public health pioneers who worked tirelessly on the frontlines of the smallpox eradication campaign.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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              <text>&lt;pre&gt;&lt;strong&gt;
 Interview Transcript
&lt;/strong&gt;
This is an interview with Dr. Stanley Foster about his activities in the
West Africa Smallpox Eradication Project. The interview is being conducted
at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as a part of the 40th
anniversary observance of the launching of the West Africa program. The
date is July 14, 2006, and the interviewer is Victoria Harden.

Harden:     Dr. Foster, would you begin by just briefly describing your
           childhood and your growing up, and who made you who you are.
Foster:          Okay. I grew up in Melrose, Massachusetts. My family was
           very religious. My father died when I was 9 years old, and one
           of the things that happened soon after that was I met Gordon
           Seagrave. He was the famous missionary surgeon whose Burmese
           nurses provided the medical care to Stillwell's troops during
           World War II. And he became my role model. From that stage on, I
           was going to be a doctor. I went to Williams College and then
           went on the University of Rochester.
                 I think the connection to CDC was through D.A. [Donald A.
           Henderson], who also graduated from Rochester, as did Deane
           Hutchins. At that time, in early '62, they were drafting
           doctors, so I decided I'd rather come to CDC than go to the
           Army, so I came here. One of the interesting things that sort of
           started it off was that with 2 "F" names, Bill Foege [William H.
           Foege] and I sat next to each other in the EIS class of '62. I
           was assigned to the Indian Health Service in Arizona and carried
           out 18 epidemiologic studies. My basic assignment was for
           trachoma. At that time, about 20% of the Indian children had
           trachoma.
Harden:     Had you specialized in infectious diseases or anything in your
           medical training?
Foster:     Internal medicine was my field. And, as was often the case,
           Alex [Alexander Langmuir] would try to seduce officers he wanted
           to stay. He sent me to Bolivia to investigate an outbreak of
           conjunctivitis in Peace Corps volunteers. I came back to my home
           in Phoenix, got to Atlanta at about 3:00 in the morning, and at
           6:00 in the morning I was on a plane back to Phoenix and on the
           way to the Truk Islands in the South Pacific to investigate an
           outbreak of diarrhea with Palmer Beasley.
                 The assignment was an epidemiologist's paradise because a
           boat would only go out to an island once a month. You would know
           the entry point, and there would be a health worker there who
           would write down the cases and the names. It was a great
           epidemic. And the pattern of transmission was that of influenza,
           but the disease was diarrhea. We brought back the specimens, and
           the lab tested them out. They couldn't come up with an agent. We
           tried to write up the article several times, but without an
           agent, we couldn't. Twelve years later, when I came back from
           Bangladesh in '76, the lab called me and said, "We just found
           out what your '64 outbreak was. It was a rotavirus."
Harden:     Rotavirus. Ah.
Foster:          So we pulled out the article, finished it, and got it
           published.
Harden:     So you were doing epidemiology up until 1966?
Foster:          Well, no, that's not quite true. I did my EIS training
           from '62 to '64. Then I left CDC and went back to Rochester for
           a year of residency. Then I went to the University of California
           in San Francisco and did a fellowship in pulmonary disease. I
           probably would have stayed on in San Francisco in pulmonary
           disease, but I got the call from D.A., saying, "Do you want to
           go to Africa and get rid of smallpox?" My wife and I thought
           about it, and we decided after 24 hours that was right. We had 3
           kids at the time, and I think one of the things we need to
           discuss is wives and kids.
Harden:     Yes.
Foster:          In terms of the impact of those experiences on the kids.
           Three or 4 of my kids' careers developed out of experiences with
           smallpox. My oldest son was interested in traditional medicines,
           and he now does Internet work in China. My second son, when he
           was in the 8th grade in Dhaka, Bangladesh, did a study of
           rickshaw drivers and how much of their income they spent on
           food. Now he's the chair of the Department of Economics at
           Brown. My third son got his start, really, in 1974 in
           Bangladesh, when we had tremendous floods and a famine. People
           were dying on the streets in front of our house. And he decided
           to go into medicine. I had no knowledge of the impact that the
           famine had on him until I read his Peace Corps application. And
           then I understood that that experience, back in '74, was the
           major event that sent him into medicine.
Harden:     This is very interesting. You said you came from a religious
           family. Were they missionaries or ministers?
Foster:          No, my wife's folks are missionaries. They went to
           Guatemala on their honeymoon. And her mother was interesting.
           She refused to go as a missionary wife. She said she'd only go
           as a missionary, and that was back in the '20s. They went down
           to Guatemala and learned Spanish. Then they learned Mayan and
           put the Mayan writing into a written language. And then they
           translated the New Testament. They had a school and a clinic.
           They stayed there for 45 years. Every year or 2, my wife and I
           go back to that same town. My wife is fluent in the Mam
           language. We have a nurse we work with, and she tells us what
           she wants us to teach.
Harden:     I'm interested in this streak of idealism.
Foster:          Oh, you should get a copy of my college caricature. I have
           a digitalized copy. It shows me sitting in a pot in Africa, with
           the pygmies standing around. "Bless this food to our use" and
           "Dr. Stanley, I presume" written at the bottom. I did have a
           missionary bent at that point in time.
Harden:     I'm seeing a different type of person who has been involved
           here at CDC with the smallpox program than what I have seen with
           investigators at NIH [the National Institutes of Health] in
           terms of the things that motivated them to go into research.
           Let's talk about once you were recruited into the program. They
           asked you apparently to recruit others, as well. And you
           mentioned that the recruitment of this 1 person.
Foster:          Andy Agle [Andrew N. Agle].
Harden:     . . .was interesting?
Foster:          Yes, it was very interesting. Andy was a public health
           advisor and a good mechanic. I remember, I met him at a building
           in San Francisco. He walked in, and he said, "I saw this
           advertisement that you wanted a public health person who spoke
           French and was a good mechanic, and I knew you needed me." That
           was it.
Harden:     Very confident.
Foster:          Yes, he was, there was no question about it. Andy turned
           out to be one of the best. He worked for a long time in West
           Africa; then he was working with smallpox in Afghanistan. He was
           getting bored with Afghanistan, and I brought him to Bangladesh.
           Then he worked for many years at the Carter Center and was very
           close to [President] Jimmy Carter. He did a lot of agricultural
           stuff and really worked incredibly well with the Carter Center.
           And then he took a job in Nigeria. He died about a year ago.
Harden:     Initially, you were the medical officer in Nigeria. Would you
           tell me which region you were in, and what you found?
Foster:          Well, I was responsible for the whole country. At that
           time, Nigeria had 4 regions. the West, the Midwest, the East,
           and the North. About half of the population was in the North and
           about half in the South. We had Margaret Grigsby and Jim Lewis
           in the western region; Warren Jones was in the Midwest; Bill
           Foege, Dave Thompson [David M. Thompson], and Paul Lichfield
           were in the East; and Deane Hutchins and Vicky Jones [Clara
           Jones] were in the North. And it was a very different program in
           the North than in the South.
Harden:     Would you tell me about that?
Foster:          In the North, the traditional leadership was incredibly
           strong. I remember the first village I went to, Gwadabaw, in
           '66.I got there at 6:00 in the morning, and there were 6,000 men
           in a line. We vaccinated the men, and then they went home, and
           then the women came out. Well, for the women to come out was a
           big social occasion. They really didn't want to go back in.
                 But I learned something that day, which was very
           interesting. It was a big district, and I told the district head
           that we should have 3 vaccination sites in his town because it
           would take us too long to do it at 1 site. He said, "I forbid
           you for doing that." He says, "Everybody has to be vaccinated in
           front of me. Nobody will tell me that they were vaccinated if it
           had to be in front of me, whereas if there were 3 sites, they
           could be tell me they were vaccinated when they weren't. The
           Emirs of Sokoto, Katsina, Kaduna, and Kano were very powerful
           people. The Emir of Sokoto would ride around in his Mercedes
           every night, and if there was no petrol, the Mercedes got pushed
           around town. But he was very powerful. So the only thing that
           you had to do in the North was to convince the Emir, and he
           would call in his district heads, and then everything would
           happen. It was easy to get 96%-98% coverage in that region. In
           the South, it was much more difficult. The people would not go
           200 or 300 yards for vaccination. People were much more
           independent in the South. There was not the structure, and it
           made it much more difficult to get people to come for
           vaccination.
Harden:     Why would they not want vaccinations?
Foster:          Well, I think if you go historically back, there was a
           demand for injections. We believe that occurred secondary to the
           yaws program, which gave shots of penicillin to treat yaws. But
           it cured venereal diseases and pneumonia and everything else. So
           injections were always sought after. In the North, the structure
           was such that people would be told to do it and they'd do it. In
           the South, you had to really convince them or use enough
           publicity to get people to come for vaccination. So it was a
           totally different thing.
                 And the epidemiology of measles was different. In the
           North, where the women are in purdah, or where the population
           density was relatively low, the median age of measles was about
           36 months. In Lagos, where you have mothers carrying their
           babies on their backs to market, the median age was around 14
           months, and then that was with a population of 600,000. When I
           went back in the '80s and '90s to Lagos, which now has a
           population of over 10 million and possibly 20 million, the
           median age of measles had dropped even further, to around 8
           months. Controlling measles was impossible.
Harden:     What was the toughest problem you encountered?
Foster:          Oh, the Biafran civil war. I had flown to Benin to see
           Warren Jones there. I got off the plane, and Biafran hijackers
           got on and hijacked the plane. And that plane later was used to
           bomb Lagos. It was very interesting: we believe that they were
           using the passenger plane as a bomber, defusing the bombs, and
           throwing them out the door. We felt that probably the reason
           that the plane exploded was because the bomb went off before it
           got out the door. Of course, they had to find somebody who was
           asleep at their gun to reward for shooting this plane down. That
           was tense, and a lot of people were evacuated.
                 I was talking with Deane Hutchins at lunch. I took the
           kids and my wife up to Kaduna because I thought it was safe. The
           next day, they bombed the Kaduna airport. But one of the
           interesting things at that time, we knew there was no smallpox
           in Biafra; but I was really afraid smallpox would get into
           Biafra. So I convinced the government that the safest thing for
           them to do was to vaccinate a large area around Biafra so that
           the smallpox wouldn't get out of Biafra into Nigeria. That way
           we kept it out. We also vaccinated a lot of children coming
           through the lines. The malnutrition in pockets of Biafra was
           just absolutely terrible. I think the war was really the
           toughest obstacle. The regional office was shattered by the
           bombings in Lagos, and it was not as safe a place as it had been
           before that.
Harden:     How did you get along with your counterparts?
Foster:          Oh, I had the most wonderful counterpart in the world, a
           fellow by the name of Yeme Ademola, who had gone to the Harvard
           School of Public Health. If you go back into the history of the
           smallpox/measles program, USAID [US Agency for International
           Development] wanted to do all the countries except Ghana and
           Nigeria. And Ademola was one of the ones who achieved its
           inclusion in the program He actually went and met with Senator
           Kennedy [John F. Kennedy] to push that.
                 Yeme was just so honest. He looked out for the poor. For
           example, he had a cooperative grain bank, where he would buy
           produce when the price was low, and then they would sell it when
           the price was high. He supported a clinic. He was just an
           absolutely wonderful guy, and he also was my neighbor. So he and
           my wife would often go out and have tea with Yemi and his
           British wife. He also is the subject of the most traumatic part
           of my time in Nigeria. I got a call one night about 3:00 in the
           morning, Rosa, his wife said that he had been attacked. When I
           arrived at the front door, the murderers went out the back door.
           He had been macheted across the neck. I went in and tried to
           save him, but I couldn't. And at that time, I wasn't thinking of
           my wife, who was pregnant. Panicked about me, she started to
           abort. It was a horrible day. And then the next day, the police
           came and wanted to put me under arrest for Yemi's murder. After
           a 6-hour standoff, the American Embassy got me off on account of
           my diplomatic status. So that was the single most traumatic
           event of my years in Nigeria.
                 We had an incredibly interesting team. We had Deane
           Hutchins and Vicki Jones. My favorite story of Vicki was when
           she went out in the field once for 4 or 5 weeks, and she'd
           either broken or forgotten her mirror. When she came back to
           Kaduna and looked at the mirror, she said, "Something's wrong."
           And then she realized it was that her face was white. In other
           words, she'd only seen black faces for 6 weeks. But she was
           wonderful.
                 The teams in the North were also just absolutely
           extraordinary people. They had a driver there. He would know,
           when he went into a village, who you needed to see first, who
           you see second, and who you should see third. He had driven for
           a political figure before that, and he was just good. The teams
           would go, and they could vaccinate with the jet injectors, 8,000-
           10,000 a day. The most I ever remember vaccinating in a day was
           once in the Midwest: with 4 lines we vaccinated 14,000.
Harden:     Wow.
Foster:          I think it's important to put in perspective what Henry
           Gelfand had learned about India. The Indians had vaccination
           numbers greater than the population, but they still had lots of
           smallpox. So Henry Gelfand went out there and did an assessment.
           And he found the vaccinators were vaccinating the schoolchildren
           regularly, so that they could get high numbers of vaccination,
           but coverage was very low. So when we went to West Africa, we
           were absolutely sure that with high coverage (Rafe [Ralph H.
           Henderson] and Don Eddins adapted coverage surveys from the US
           immunization survey to Africa) we would stop smallpox. There was
           no question about it. And that was our strategy, and we were
           absolutely sure that with high coverage with the jet injectors
           and coverage surveys-if we got above 90% coverage, or 95% or
           even better-we'd stop smallpox.
                 Four or 5 major events led to a change in that strategy.
           The first was that when we first arrived in Nigeria, there was a
           smallpox outbreak in eastern Nigeria, in Ogoja, where Bill Foege
           had been a missionary. They had a limited amount of vaccine. But
           by focusing the vaccine on the infected area, they stopped the
           outbreak. The second important thing was a series of spot maps
           that Bill Foege drew. Each year the smallpox would come from the
           North, and there'd be a few outbreaks on the northern border and
           in the East. Then the outbreaks would increase in number and
           frequency, so you could just see it spread southward. And
           although Bill doesn't remember this, I remember Bill sitting on
           the steps, looking at these monthly maps and seeing how the
           smallpox spread. And he raised the question, "If we stop these
           first few outbreaks, will we stop them all?" The third major
           event in the shift in strategy occurred in Abakaliki. (There's a
           nice paper about this by Dave Thompson and Bill.) They'd done a
           coverage survey, and Abakaliki had over 90% coverage. Then all
           of a sudden they had an outbreak of smallpox. The outbreak
           occurred in a religious group that had refused vaccination; I
           think it was called Faith Tabernacle. Smallpox even though the
           coverage in that area was 90%; the small group of unvaccinated
           people was able to sustain an outbreak. The fourth factor was
           the shape of the epidemic curve-a low in September-October and
           epidemic in the early spring. Bill figured it out that every
           chain of transmission in the fall caused 74 cases in the spring.
           He realized that the peak time for surveillance was when the
           chains of transmission were fewest. So, in my opinion, those
           were the major events that shifted the strategy from mass
           vaccination and surveys to surveillance/containment. And that
           was certainly a major shift.
                 And I think, although the disease eradication programs
           were different, when you compare smallpox to malaria, malaria
           was a centrally directed program, and they never really
           responded to the signs of drug resistance, and insect
           resistance, and the program failed. Smallpox was different. The
           program was driven by data collected in the field. We learned
           from our failures and changed strategies to address them.
                 When I teach on lessons learned from smallpox/measles, one
           of the major things is learning from our mistakes, being willing
           to learn from our mistakes. My favorite story on this is about
           Sabour. He was one of my team leaders in Bangladesh. At this
           time, India was free of smallpox, but we were still having
           trouble. And I went up to see Sabour in Mymensingh, near the
           Indian border. If we did everything right, once we found an
           affected village, there should be no cases after 14 days-after 1
           incubation period. So I asked Sabour, "How many outbreaks do you
           have?" And he said, "Sixteen." And I asked him, "How many had
           gone more than 14 days." And he said, "Eleven." Well, this was a
           disaster. The people could've walked those cases across to
           India, where the reward was big, and made a lot of money. And so
           I said to Sabour, "What are you doing?" His response was, "I'm
           doing everything the book says. I'm putting the patient in the
           house; I'm putting a guard at the front door and the back door.
           I have an extra guard at night to keep the guards awake. I am
           making a list of visitors, vaccinating them, and putting them
           under surveillance. I'm vaccinating everybody in the household.
           I'm vaccinating everybody in a half-mile. And I'm searching
           every place in 5 miles." And then, across a cup of tea, an
           incredible smile. And Sabour said, "And today I found out why.
           I'm going in, and I'm asking for a list of visitors. They are
           not giving me the names of relatives who came to visit because
           they don't consider relatives as visitors. And so we added a
           list of relatives to the procedure and solved the problem."
                 I think that this story illustrates one of the main points
           to get at, that a lot of us at CDC who are in leadership
           positions got a lot of credit for smallpox eradication, but it's
           these people who worked 28 days a month in the field, month in
           and month out for 5 years, some of them, who were the real
           heroes of smallpox.
                 The other lesson to get out of this story was the
           importance of giving workers at the field level the indicators
           to assess their own performance. When they didn't meet them,
           they asked why and come up with a solution.
                 There's 1 other similar story from India, which is really
           important. At a critical time in the program in India, things
           were going to hell in a basket in Bihar, and the numbers were
           going up. And the Minister said, "I'm sorry, no more
           surveillance/containment. We're going back to mass vaccination."
           Bill spent the whole weekend with the Minister, trying to
           convince him to continue surveillance/containment. But the
           Minister said he couldn't take the political pressure and he had
           decided that the only solution was to mass-vaccinate. At the
           Monday meeting, the Health Minister of Bihar got up and said,
           "I'm sorry, WHO [the World Health Organization] has recommended
           we continue to do this, but I can't stand the political heat any
           more, so we're going back to mass vaccination." In the back of
           the room, a hand raised. And a man got up and said, "Mister
           Minister, I am a poor country doctor. But when we have a house
           on fire in our village, we direct the water at that house and
           not the whole village." And the Minister said, "You have 1 more
           month." And fortunately over that month things got better, and
           so they continued surveillance/containment. Both of these
           examples illustrate the really major contributions that poorly
           paid and unrecognized field workers made. They really deserve a
           great deal of credit for what went on and the success achieved.
Harden:     But don't you think it was also remarkable that the bureaucracy
           and the people at headquarters were flexible enough to ask for
           and act on that kind of information? Many times you get
           bureaucracies that think they know best, no matter what's coming
           in. I think the synergy was quite remarkable.
      Foster:    Yes. Well, I think that's the main difference between
            smallpox and malaria. When we introduced the reward for
            reporting smallpox in Bangladesh, I introduced a single reward.
            But after about 6 months, only 35% of the public knew about the
            reward. And then all of a sudden, I discovered my mistake. None
            of the health workers were telling the public because they
            didn't want the public to claim the money. So we doubled the
            reward to pay both the health worker and the public, and within
            4 or 5 months, 80% of the country knew about the reward.
Harden:     So getting the word out, and knowing how the culture operates,
           also played a huge role.
Foster:          The Bangladeshi field staff used to say that working for
           the smallpox program was the best form of family planning (they
           were never home) because at least their wives didn't get
           pregnant. As you look at the evolution of
           surveillance/containment in West Africa to the rest of the
           world, it's a steady thing. .Probably the best place it was
           demonstrated was in Sierra Leone. Don Hopkins didn't have enough
           material to do the whole country. So on 1 side he did mass
           vaccination, the other he did surveillance/containment. Smallpox
           stopped in the southeastern area but continued on in the mass
           vaccination area. That proved surveillance/containment worked.
           Secondly, the legacy of surveillance/containment out of West
           Africa clearly was key to the success of global eradication of
           smallpox. Had it not been developed, it is unlikely that we
           would have ever stopped smallpox, in Asia especially.
Harden:     What about the role of the bifurcated needle? In my mind, West
           Africa was the jet injector and Asia was the bifurcated needle.
Foster:          This is not quite true. When we shifted from mass
           vaccination to surveillance/containment, the bifurcated needle
           became the preferred route of immunization. The bifurcated
           needle was developed to vaccinate chickens. It had 2 main
           advantages. It increased the amount of vaccine available 100-
           fold. It only took 1/100 the vaccine required by the multiple
           pressure method, where a drop was put on the skin and the site
           was scarified by pressing a needle parallel to the skin 15
           times. The bifurcated needle take rates were 99% effective
           versus the traditional method's effectivity of 90%-98%.
                 In Bangladesh, the bifurcated needle totally transformed
           containment. We could train a villager to use the bifurcated
           needle in 10-15 minutes. This brought ownership of containment
           to the village and quicker, more effective, control. It also
           solved the problem of getting health workers to spend nights in
           the infected villages, a major problem in the early stages in
           containment in Asia. Once you were hiring vaccinators to
           vaccinate their village, the barrier of the stranger was
           removed, and accommodations in the infected village were
           possible and acceptable.
                 I think we go should back just a little bit, to 1945.
           After World War II, smallpox was endemic in most countries of
           the world, especially in tropical areas, where the liquid
           vaccine was unstable in the heat. So the development of the
           freeze-dried vaccine (you could carry it in your pocket, it
           didn't require refrigeration, and you could mix it up for the
           day and it would be good) was a big thing.
New topic relevant to West African program but not to smallpox
                 And then the initial development of measles vaccine, the
           Edmonston B measles vaccine, it could only be given with gamma
           globulin. And the vaccine was not, at that time, licensed. It
           had been tested in about 20,000 kids. At just about that time, 4
           Ministers of Health visited the States and NIH. Harry Meyer
           happened to talk to them, and one of them got very excited. The
           Minister of Health of Upper Volta said measles was killing 20%
           of the children in Africa and Meyer should come to Upper Volta
           (now Burkino Faso) to test the vaccine there. So the first year,
           Harry went to Upper Volta and tested the vaccine. The vaccine
           proved its safety and efficacy without gamma globulin: that was
           a major step forward. The demand was such that the next year
           they vaccinated 700,000 in Burkina Faso. It was a tremendous
           success medically and politically.
                 Then the United States expanded to the other countries in
           OCCGE [Organization de Coordination et de Cooperation pour la
           Lutte Contre Grandes Endemies] and that was when CDC first
           became involved. Probably the best story about that concerns
           Larry Altman [Lawrence K. Altman]. Larry's now a science writer
           for the New York Times. He was sent out to Mali to address
           problems with the measles program there. One day he sent back a
           cable to Washington that said, "The trucks don't keep the
           vaccine cold." And a cable came back from Washington, "Park in
           the shade." And so Larry sent a cable back, "Send trees."
                 The measles program was a smashing success medically and
           politically. You had 3 parallel channels. You had the smallpox
           channel going on at CDC; you had Harry Meyer, who had proved the
           safety and effectiveness of given multiple vaccines at the same
           time. And then USAID and measles. USAID for some reason thought
           they could vaccinate a fourth of the children the first year, a
           fourth the second, a fourth the third, a fourth the last, and
           they would be done. That was totally wrong. I was talking to
           Dave Sencer about a phone call he got from A.C. Curtis from
           USAID, who called him and said, "What about a measles
           eradication program," and Dave said, "No, it can't be done.
           Measles is only control, Smallpox is eradication. Why don't we
           marry smallpox and measles?" Without measles, there would have
           been no West African Smallpox Eradication measles Control
           Program, no global program, and probably no eradication of
           smallpox. The WHO 1,000-page history of smallpox has several
           flaws, the major one being the order of chapters. They placed
           the West African chapter after India and Bangladesh. Bangladesh
           and India built on the lessons learned in West Africa and
           succeeded because of it
                 While the marriage of smallpox and measles was key to
           smallpox eradication, the effects on measles were short-lived
           because of the lack of infrastructure to maintain vaccination.
           Successful control of measles has only been achieved in the last
           5 years with a new strategy. It should be recognized that Jean
           Roy, the Operations Officer in Benin, has been a key player in
           this success in bringing the League of Red Cross Societies into
           play-resources from the wealthier countries and Red Cross
           volunteers on the ground to mobilize the public.
                 It should also be said that the marriage of smallpox and
           measles was a major barrier between USAID and CDC. USAID felt
           they had been been conned. This was really the basis of a lot of
           the angst between USAID and CDC because essentially USAID paid
           the whole bill.
                 And I was talking to D.A. last night on the phone, trying
           to clarify a few pieces of history, which is always difficult
           with D.A. When the United States first agreed to do smallpox,
           there was a briefing of the US delegation to the WHO Assembly.
           Even the secretary of HHS [Department of Health and Human
           Services; then, it was Health Education and Welfare] was not
           aware of the plan. So then the announcement went out at the
           assembly, from President Lyndon Johnson, that the United States
           would support a smallpox eradication program in West Africa.
           Later, the smallpox/measles marriage took place. Clearly, Dave
           Sencer was a key actor in this. D.A. told me last night-which I
           didn't know-that that press release about smallpox was written
           by Bill Moyers. That was the international Year of Cooperation,
           or something like that. And smallpox eradication and the US
           contribution fit this like a glove from 3 perspectives: science,
           development, and politics.
Harden:     You have mentioned the 2 women who were professionals the West
           African Program. Neither of them is here for the reunion, but
           could you talk about who they were and how exceptional they
           were?
Foster:          Yes. Two very different people. Vicki Jones, young, free
           spirit, guitar-playing, and Margaret Grigsby, an older, African-
           American woman professor at Howard, very prim and proper. I
           remember we had some issues insuring that there was a proper
           latrine arrangement for her when she went to the field. And it
           was difficult in the area that Margaret was in, in terms of
           getting cooperation. Margaret was great. She had her heart and
           soul in the program and bonded well with her African colleagues.
           I do remember the first outbreak I went to in the western
           region. They had isolated the smallpox patients in a cocoa farm,
           and the only people who were allowed to go there were those who
           had the scars of smallpox. This is very, very interesting. On
           the other hand, you have the smallpox cult, Shapona cult, where
           if you didn't want to get smallpox, you paid the priest. If you
           got smallpox and didn't want to die, you paid the priest. And if
           you died, the priest got all of your worldly possessions. So
           they couldn't lose.
                 There are historical accounts, in the 1800s, of priests
           actually infecting people who didn't pay up by putting smallpox
           scabs on sticks going into houses. Actually, I remember the last
           African outbreak I visited, in Togo. A couple of the traditional
           healers were there trying to pick scabs. Fortunately, the scars
           were from a vaccinial modified case, so it was not likely that
           there was much virus left.
Harden:     What did Africa teach you about yourself and about public
health?
Foster:          We were young; we were bright; but we were not bright
           enough to say we couldn't do it. I mean, that was really
           important. In other words, there was never a sense that we
           couldn't succeed. It was a totally different story in
           Bangladesh. But we learned as we went along. We had pretty good
           government response and fairly credible civil service. At least,
           we were paying per diems and that sort of thing, kept people
           working. It was a well-oiled machine. I mean, we had something
           like 80 Dodge trucks in Nigeria. We had lots of spare parts. I
           think the last one I saw running was in the late '80s.
Harden:     What kind of impact do you think the whole West African program
           had on the global eradication program?
Foster:          Had West Africa not succeeded, it's doubtful that the
           global program would have succeeded. I have no question in my
           mind that it laid the foundation, and one of the great
           injustices in the smallpox book is that the West Africa chapter
           is put after India and Bangladesh. This is extremely unfortunate
           and historically incorrect because a lot of the lessons learned
           out of West Africa laid the foundation for what went on in Asia,
           and Ethiopia, and Somalia.
Harden:     Indeed. Is there anything you would change if you were running
           the program all over again?
Foster:          What we did then, we couldn't do now.
Harden:     Say again?
Foster:          What we did then, we couldn't do now.
Harden:     Why?
Foster:          I mean, it was pretty much an expatriate-run operation-
           money-driven, technology-driven. We did not have the proper
           amount of deference to local culture and societies and
           governments.
Harden:     I wondered about that.
Foster:          It was pretty much a technology-driven program. It was
           marvelous in terms of the teams we had. Some of the Operations
           Officers, Dave Bassett for one, George Stroh for another. George
           was driving from Jos down to the South when his motor mounts
           broke, and his motor fell out of his engine. He put the motor
           back in and drove home. I mean, just that kind of ability, to
           react in the field. So that was important.
                 In Asia, several things were key. One was that the monthly
           meetings were incredibly important. People came in, they gave
           their reports, they shared the successes, they shared their
           failures, they got drunk, they sobered up, they got their money,
           they went back to the field. And most of them spent 25-28 days
           in the field. And as I look at CDC people going in the field
           now, they don't do that much any more.
Harden:     Are there any final things that you want to say?
Foster:          The challenges of West Africa were nothing compared to
           what it was in Bangladesh, especially in the floods of 1974,
           when the 2 remaining areas of infection were totally flooded out
           and people went into motion. We went from 89 infected villages
           in October of '74, to 1,500 the following May. We were all
           depressed. We lost it. A wonderful guy, Rangaraj, was my deputy;
           he was the first Indian physician parachutist. He had fought
           with Stillwell in Burma. And every morning, he would say, "It's
           going to be all right. Hang in there." Every day, he was like
           that. There was no rationale for that. Later on, when I was
           working in Somalia, I had a beer with Rangaraj 1 night, and I
           said, "Ranga, how could you have been so optimistic?" He said,
           "I didn't think you had a chance in hell in winning, but when I
           fought with Stillwell in World War II, I learned that if you
           ever thought you'd be dead the next day, you would be dead." So
           it was his military training and his optimism that enabled us to
           keep going, during incredibly difficult times. When I walk into
           an HIV/AIDS village today, I feel Ranga's hands on my shoulder.
           "Hang in there it will be all right."
Harden:     And eventually, to win.
Foster:          Yeah, and eventually to win. And Ranga was incredibly
           important. And there were lots of people like that. In
           Bangladesh, we had 22 nationalities on our staff, and they were
           they best. I mean, they were family. We were all 1 family. The
           monthly meetings were key. Then surveillance got incredibly
           better, and we were able to track things. And we used money. We
           paid $25,000 in rewards starting at $2.50 per report of an
           infected village and increasing to $50 as the number of infected
           villages in Bangladesh decreased. And we learned. For example,
           when we started in Bangladesh, we were having trouble with
           containment until we started hiring people from the village. The
           reason we were failing was because health workers had no place
           to stay in the villages. Once you started hiring villagers to do
           the work, you had a place for your health workers to stay. And
           so there was a tremendous lesson.
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              <text>&lt;pre&gt;&lt;strong&gt;
 Interview Transcript
&lt;/strong&gt;
Interview

Mr. Jay Friedman with Dr. David Sencer &amp;amp; Maddie Maddie
Transcribed: January 2009



Maddie:     My name is Maddie Halendonie [inaudible name0:00:12]  and  I  am
      student of Emory College, and I am sitting here  today  with  Mr.  Jay
      Friedman. It is March 31st, 2008 and we are in the CDC.

      So welcome! Thank you for coming.

J. Friedman: Thank you for having me.

Maddie:     Just to get started, if you could tell us a  little  about  your
      background, your hometown, where you come from, your education?

J. Friedman:     I was born in New York City at 123rd Street,  and  grew  up
      in the Borough of Queens, went to college at Florida State  University
      and then joined the Peace Corps where I  spent  two  years  in  Sierra
      Leone, West Africa. Following the  Peace  Corps  I  went  to  graduate
      school at American University  in  Washington  D.C.  where  I  studied
      International Economics and Languages.

      Towards the end of my two-year course I was reading a  Notice  in  the
      Return Peace Corps Volunteer Bulletin which  asked  for  ex-volunteers
      who had lived in West Africa, who could speak French  which  I  could;
      and who knew how to fix a car, which I also could,  having  worked  my
      way through college as an auto mechanic at an Oldsmobile dealer in New
      York. Well, the notice was from the Centers for Disease Control asking
      for people with those qualifications to go back  to  West  Africa  and
      work on the Smallpox Eradication  Program  and  it  seemed  like  that
      fitted me perfectly. So I made a phone  call  to  the  number  in  the
      Notice and spoke to a person called Leo  Morris.  He  was  the  Deputy
      Branch Chief or Deputy Director of the  program  who  happened  to  be
      coming to Washington the very next day where we met, and he  hired  me
      on the spot, which I am certain is no longer possible at CDC, to  hire
      anyone so-shall we say unknowingly, or without knowing all  that  much
      about him. Today there  are  all  kinds  of  background  and  security
      checks.

      Anyway it worked out well. Later that year which was 1966, on July 1st
      I reported  here  in  Atlanta  and  went  to  work  for  the  Smallpox
      Eradication  Program  whose  Director  at  the  time  was  Dr.  Donald
      Henderson - D.A. Henderson, and whose deputy of course was Leo  Morris
      aforementioned. Dr. Henderson not long afterwards left to head up  the
      smallpox program at the World Health Organization in Geneva. Meanwhile
      I joined roughly 40 other people, newly hired, some of whom  had  been
      CDC employees, others like me  were  not,  to  go  through  a  -  I've
      forgotten how many months  exactly  -  about  three  or  four  months'
      training course in epidemiology, about which I knew nothing, about the
      characteristics of smallpox which I also knew nothing about.  We  also
      learnt quite a bit about the culture and the politics, if you like, of
      West Africa which I knew a bit more about. We also were sent - we were
      divided into two: medical officers and  what  were  called  operations
      officers. I was an Operations Officer and the operations officers were
      also sent to the Chrysler Corporation Service Training School, it  was
      somewhere in South Atlanta, I  think  on  Moreland  Avenue,  I  forget
      exactly; and we went through a course learning how to  work  on  Dodge
      pickup trucks with which we were going to be equipped in West  Africa.
      The Medical Officers studied more epidemiology than we did.

      Anyway, following a couple months of this, those of us going to French-
      speaking countries, of which I  was  one  -  I  was  assigned  to  the
      Republic of Mali; stayed behind  I  think  and  went  through  a  very
      intensive French  language  course.  I  knew  a  lot  of  French,  but
      obviously I didn't know everything and learnt a  lot  at  this  course
      which was run by Emory  University.  Then  in  December  of  '66,  the
      medical officer I was working with in Mali, Dr.  Pascal  Imperato,  we
      left for Mali and we started working on eradicating smallpox.

      Mali was a difficult country among the - I think it was  20  countries
      we were working on in Western Central Africa - because  in  the  early
      60s a Leftist Government took over from the  French  Colonists  -  the
      French Colonial Power; and they were very close to  the  Soviet  Union
      and North Korea, and all the Communist countries at the time. The fact
      that this program was financed by the United States, specifically  the
      U.S. Agency for International Development meant it wasn't easy for  us
      to work at first. But Dr. Imperato and I, if you  like,  made  friends
      with all the principal characters we had to work with,  and  gradually
      we gained their confidence and we didn't have any further problems.

      Initially in West Africa the approach  was  called  mass  vaccination.
      Smallpox being what it is,  I  am  not  going  into  detail,  but  the
      reservoir is human beings. There is no animal or water or other insect
      borne way of transmitting the disease, it's human to  human,  and  the
      vaccine works. So the idea was that we vaccinated a certain proportion
      of the population which the doctors in charge of the  program  thought
      would be 80%, we'd stop the transmission of human to  human  smallpox.
      Mali was very difficult because through the  country  runs  the  Niger
      River. It's called in French the buckle of the Niger River,  the  bend
      of the Niger River, which creates a large swampy area in  which  lived
      the Nomadic cattle herders, and these people moved with the rising and
      the falling of the river depending on the various seasons, rainy,  dry
      and cold are the three  seasons  of  the  year  there.  Dr.  Imperato,
      fortunately, was an amateur anthropologist which I believe was one  of
      the reasons he was selected to work in Mali. He studied  the  movement
      of these people quite thoroughly and actually  wrote  some  scientific
      papers on it, and figured out where vaccinators should be  at  certain
      times of the year, etc.

      So we began vaccinating in this area, which is right in the middle  of
      Mali, very difficult to access. We had to use boats and other means of
      transport. At the same time, besides mass vaccinating our  other  task
      was to look for smallpox cases. This was done by  having  or  alerting
      local health workers all over the country to  alert  the  Ministry  of
      Health in Bamako, the capital, if they found or noticed  any  smallpox
      cases, and we had an agreement that if smallpox cases  were  found  we
      would go out  there  and  investigate,  being  trained  of  course  in
      recognizing smallpox and knowing  how  it  transmitted  etc.  etc.  So
      meanwhile there were cases of smallpox in the country in Mali, and  we
      investigated several outbreaks I remember, and we kept vaccinating  at
      the same time.


      Meanwhile, one of the medical officers in  the  program,  Dr.  William
      Forge who later became Director of CDC in Eastern Nigeria had come  up
      with another methodology  for  attacking  smallpox.  That  was  called
      surveillance containment. I believe, Dr. Sencer can correct me if I am
      wrong, he felt that you really couldn't vaccinate enough people purely
      to stop the transmission, given  the  various  problems  with  Nomadic
      populations and that sort of thing. The best approach would be just to
      look for cases and put vaccination on the backburner if you  like  and
      contain every outbreak with various strategies, one of which was  Ring
      Vaccination Containment, that  is:  you  vaccinate  the  people  right
      around each outbreak and check everyone  coming  in  and  out  of  the
      outbreak area with people called watch guards, and sooner or later you
      would interrupt the transmission, and even if there were  unvaccinated
      people, the fact that you interrupt the transmission, since it's  only
      transmitted from human  to  human,  that  eventually  you'd  stop  the
      transmission of smallpox; and in fact this is  the  way  smallpox  was
      eradicated.

      So I spent two years in Mali, I was there till September of 1968. Then
      I was transferred to Gabon, the Ex-French  equatorial  Africa.  It  is
      around the bends of the armpit of Africa if  you  like.  A  very  rich
      country on the North-South Coast; it is an oil producer and all  sorts
      of minerals, and it's in a part of Africa that is very under-populated
      for various reasons: issues with fertility and venereal disease,  that
      sort of thing. So the population there was very low and smallpox is  a
      disease that requires a certain density of population to transmit  and
      there hadn't been cases in Gabon for a long time. The reason  we  were
      working there was that it was surrounded by countries  that  did  have
      smallpox. Anyway, I spent about a year - almost two years in Gabon and
      didn't have a lot to do; actually we concentrated on vaccinating there
      because there were no cases. Gabon  being  a  wealthy  country  had  a
      Mobile Health Service called - it's in French, I'll translate  it,  it
      was called the Endemic Disease Service set up by the  French  military
      whereby health workers would be transported from village to village on
      trucks and they would treat people for various illnesses and  also  do
      five vaccinations at once, look for leprosy and sleeping sickness  and
      other diseases. Anyway I  was  an  advisor  to  this  Endemic  Disease
      Service for smallpox eradication; and I  forgot  to  mention:  in  all
      these West African countries we were also doing measles control.  This
      was also in Mali, I forgot to mention. The West Africans were  not  so
      much interested in smallpox eradication  which  was  a  public  health
      problem, but not, in their eyes, a major one. It was a  major  one  in
      our eyes as Americans and Westerners, because it  did  have  worldwide
      implications. But in West Africa they had many greater problems  among
      which was measles,  which  unlike  the  United  States  and  developed
      countries where it is a benign childhood illness, or somewhat  benign,
      in West Africa where children's immunity, or immunity  systems  are  a
      little weak because of malaria and other diseases they have.

      Am I on the right track Dr. Sencer?

Dr. Sencer:      You're doing fine, except move along a  little  bit  so  we
can get to India.

J. Friedman:     Okay, alright. Anyway we also gave measles vaccinations.  I
      was in Gabon for two years and then I was sent to Northern Nigeria  to
      the city Cano where I also spent two years. There was no  smallpox  in
      Cano either. In April of '72, I received  a  telegram  from  Dr.  D.A.
      Henderson who I mentioned earlier. He knew I was due  to  go  back  to
      Atlanta for CDC. There was a limit on the amount  of  time  you  could
      stay overseas. He asked me if I would be willing to  resign  from  CDC
      and go to work for the World Health Organization and go to Nepal where
      they needed an operations officer like myself, and I did.  I  resigned
      from CDC went home to New York for two weeks and then I was on a plane
      for Geneva where I went to an orientation course,  just  a  couple  of
      weeks, and then arrived in Katmandu, Nepal at the end of  April  1972.
      Nepal of course is in the part of the Indian Subcontinent where  there
      were lots and lots of smallpox, much more than  in  West  Africa.  The
      population is denser, those countries are somewhat less well organized
      than West Africa and vaccination levels were low.  They  had  constant
      endemic smallpox which kind of moved around the Indian Subcontinent in
      a big circle and the year I arrived, in 1972, the endemic  areas  were
      much further South in India. It was nowhere near Nepal which is on the
      Northern border of India. At the end of 1973 the big track of smallpox
      moved up to Northeastern  India  very  close  to  Nepal  and  we  were
      immediately  inundated  with  lots  of  cases.  We  had  adopted   the
      surveillance containment approach  and  I  became  busy  investigating
      outbreaks. I had as colleagues there, another operations officer and a
      medical officer.

      All the cases in smallpox practically were - every case was the result
      of cross-border travel from India to Nepal. That border is  open  like
      the US-Canadian border; people just walked back and forth. Some places
      you can't tell which country you are in  even,  and  we  had  lots  of
      cases, first in the Western part of Nepal, which was at  the  time  in
      the 70s, very underdeveloped. No roads at all from the capital  there.
      You had to drive to India or fly in a plane. There  were  even  places
      where there were airports but no roads. So the only  modern  means  of
      conveyance the local  population  had  ever  seen  were  airplanes  or
      aircraft and helicopters. They had never seen a car or  a  truck.  You
      had lots of anomalies like that there. This is 1973; I spent a lot  of
      time trekking in Western Nepal looking  for  smallpox  cases.  At  one
      point when I wrote this up which  is  part  of  the  smallpox  archive
      somewhere, I was flown to an airport in Western Nepal where there  was
      no road, and walked a couple of days to an outbreak area along with my
      Nepali colleagues, there were about five of  us.  We  found  that  the
      local smallpox people had contained the outbreak. They  had  done  all
      this ring vaccination that I mentioned, and we spent a day or so there
      and realized there was nothing more for us to do.  So  we  decided  to
      visit other neighboring districts and just look for cases.  There  had
      been no reports.  So  I  was  with  a  doctor  named  Benu  Bado  Kaki
      [inaudible name 0:17:16], who was the Deputy Smallpox Chief in  Nepal,
      and we started walking and after a day or so, he branched off  to  one
      district and I to another. I walked and walked for  several  days  and
      got to the  next  district  where  there  were  American  missionaries
      living. I spent several days with them and ate steak and mash potatoes
      and stuff like that which you couldn't get elsewhere in  Nepal.  There
      were no smallpox reports from this area. I then  walked  several  days
      down to the plains of Nepal which borders India,  a  very  flat  area,
      unlike the mountains in the rest of the  country;  and  spent  several
      days there also looking for smallpox along with local smallpox  staff-
      found nothing.

      Then the town I was in right on the border with India  had  a  once  a
      week plane service back to Katmandu. So I  bought  a  ticket  and  the
      plane never came. It only came as I said once a week.  I  didn't  know
      what to do. I was stuck in this place.  There  was  no  road  back  to
      Katmandu and I had no car with which to get home.  So  I  was  hanging
      around the airport and there was a very wealthy Nepali who belonged to
      the upper crust of society, who was there with a Land  Rover.  He  was
      also trying to get on the plane. He  had  been  hunting  elephants  or
      something, and I started chatting with him, and he said, "Well,  I  am
      going to drive to Lucknow," a big city in India several hundred  miles
      South of where we were, "and I am going to fly home from there and you
      are welcome to come with me," which I did and arrived  home  a  couple
      days later. I had been gone two weeks  and  essentially  had  fun  and
      really didn't do anything. So the World Health Organization -  well  I
      had done something, I had done  some  surveillance  but  not  anything
      concrete. The World Health Organization then got money for  helicopter
      charters which were very expensive; it was 400 Bucks an hour to run  a
      helicopter. For the next - this is in 1973; I was in Nepal  till  '77,
      for the next four years we used helicopters  to  go  to  these  remote
      areas where we could do what I did in two weeks in a day, just go  and
      come the same day, and since we had so much smallpox, the  circle  now
      moved a little differently in India such that now  eastern  Nepal  was
      full of smallpox.


      A third operations officer came, by the name David  Bassett,  who  had
      also worked for CDC, so we were four people actually working there and
      inundated with cases all the time. 1974 was the worst year  in  Nepal.
      It was also the worst year in India as I remember. The state of  Bihar
      in India which borders on Eastern Nepal was loaded with  smallpox  all
      throughout '74 into 1975 such that in - I am trying  to  remember  the
      dates here - November '74 I was asked to stop working in  Nepal  where
      we had things more or less under control and  spent  three  months  in
      India along with many other people. At the time the Indian  Government
      couldn't scare up enough people to work on smallpox. The problem there
      was so enormous, tens of thousands of cases, that they not only  hired
      young medical guys who had just gotten out of medical school I  guess,
      who've been studying public health; and non doctors, people like me we
      are called technical officers, but also CDC and WHO brought in  people
      to work on smallpox for three-month periods. Some of  these  were  ex-
      West African people who had done what I had done. Some of them I think
      knew  nothing  about  smallpox  at  all.  On  the  other   hand,   the
      epidemiology of smallpox is such that you can  teach  any  intelligent
      person in 15 minutes everything he has to know. As I said, it's  human
      to human, there's no other reservoir, in a day you  can  make  anyone,
      truly without too much exaggeration, an expert  on  smallpox.  So  CDC
      sent a lot of people, WHO recruited others in Europe, along  with  our
      Indian colleagues, we were an army. I can't tell you  but  my  job  in
      Bihar State in India was to be in  charge  of  paying  everyone.  They
      wanted a full time WHO employee in charge of the money and I  guess  I
      was one of the few. So I was in charge of paying hundreds  of  people,
      both Indians and non-Indians in Bihar State for which they gave  me  a
      suite in a very rundown hotel in the capital of Bihar, which is Patna.
      This was just a low-down dingy [inaudible 0:22:27] Indian hotel but it
      had a suite, and since I was in charge of all the money, I had a safe;
      they gave me this suite in which I lived in luxury essentially, but  I
      was very busy. We had an office there with a  number  of  people.  Dr.
      Larry Brilliant was in charge of the office, and believe it or  not  I
      was busy fulltime paying people.

      All these people in the field had to have  money  because  the  Indian
      Government Rules and Regulations were so Byzantine.  For  example,  if
      you had an official jeep and it got a flat tyre, you had  to  fill  up
      forms and get some senior  person  somewhere  to  approve  spending  a
      dollar to fix the flat. So WHO got a system going whereby everyone had
      an Imprest Fund they called it. What it meant was that you had $100 in
      your pocket to freely spend as you saw fit  to,  fix  flat  tyres  and
      grease the skids so to speak. So I was in charge of  replenishing  all
      this money. There  were  some  bizarre  scenes  with  all  the  money.
      Everything was in cash. Once a month I would get a large  cheque  from
      the WHO headquarters in New Delhi for $100,000 or something like this,
      I can't remember. It was still lots and lots of money, and I'd take it
      to a local bank there in Patna and deposit it. Then everyday I had  to
      go back to the bank and withdraw enormous amounts of cash.  It  is  in
      Rupees, I can't remember; say $10,000 everyday, something like that. I
      carried this in my briefcase, all this cash. Indian banks  being  what
      they are, it took sometimes three hours from the time  I  walked  into
      the bank and said I wanted this cash for them to count  it;  they  had
      guys sitting on the floor counting it - I'm  exaggerating  -  5  or  7
      people to sign out on this money and they would give it to me  wrapped
      in - the money is wrapped in pieces of paper and I'd stuff it all into
      my briefcase then walk down the street holding  it  unguarded.  Anyone
      could have walked behind and whacked me on the head and run away  with
      it, but nothing ever happened.

      Anyway I would get back to the office and spend the  day  passing  out
      money to people who'd come in to get it. I kept very detailed  account
      books. At the end of every month, they sent an  accountant  down  from
      New Delhi to go through my cash and my  cheque  books  and  there  was
      always some discrepancy of $1.00 or something  like  this  and  I  can
      never figure this out. The night before this auditor came; I'd  be  up
      all night going through the books trying to find out why there  was  a
      $1.00 discrepancy. This guy was an Indian, he'd spend five minutes, he
      would go through the books and say, "There's your $1.00;" after I  had
      been up till three in the morning trying to get it  straightened  out.
      Anyway I did this for three months-handled the money.

      Then I went back to Nepal where we still had some cases.  We  had  the
      very last cases. This was in early  1975,  February  1975,  which  was
      complicated by the fact that the King of Nepal, it was a new king  who
      had his coronation that very month and you couldn't  travel  anywhere.
      Meanwhile, we knew there was smallpox in certain  places.  To  make  a
      long story short, some of these cases  spread  indigenously  in  Nepal
      which hadn't happened before, because nobody could  go  anywhere.  The
      country was more or less locked down for  long  durations.  Anyway  in
      March and April '74 in the southeastern corner of Nepal,  we  had  our
      last cases, which were very well documented. Many photographs  of  the
      last three cases which was a husband and wife and a  child.  In  April
      '75 we had our last case and sent a telegram to  WHO  headquarters  in
      Geneva, I remember it.  The  telegram  read:  "D.A.  Henderson,  World
      Health, Geneva-No pox!" The signature was Nepal  Smallpox  Eradication
      Program. They still have it on file somewhere I guess. I stayed  there
      another two years. The task of the last two years was to look for non-
      existent cases. They had their last  case  in  Nepal,  I  believe  the
      following month in May; and in Bangladesh that August I think.  Anyway
      India, Bangladesh, Nepal, we  spent  the  next  two  years  until  '77
      looking  for  smallpox  and  we  had  armies  of  people   out   doing
      surveillance. I think in India I  read,  at  some  point  they  had  a
      100,000 people do surveillance for a week or two weeks.

Dr. Sencer:      More than that.

J. Friedman:     More than 100,000 people. Anyway there were lots of  people
      working on this. We looked for two years, didn't find  a  case.  There
      were lots of reports because we were offering rewards at  this  point.
      We were offering initially a reward of Rs.100 which at  the  time  was
      $10.00 or something, and then the reward was up to Rs.1000 which was a
      $100.00. Anyone who reported a case that turned  out  to  be  smallpox
      would get a small fortune by the standards  of  India  and  Nepal  and
      Bangladesh, and we got lots and lots of reports, many of which  turned
      out to be other skin rashes including chicken pox,  scabies,  I  don't
      know about some of the others; but we were all trained in  doing  this
      differential diagnosis and so was everybody else. All the  workers  at
      the lowest level, all knew about this. In fact  they  eventually  knew
      more about it than we did, the foreign advisors, which  was  the  nice
      thing about smallpox.  Nobody  really  knew  more  than  anyone  else.
      Everybody knew everything there was to know about  smallpox.  Remember
      my job during this period in Nepal, being  a  foreigner,  I  could  do
      things and go places around the bureaucracy in  such  a  way  that  my
      Nepali colleagues running the smallpox program couldn't.

      For example, I knew the Minister of Health when he was a young  junior
      doctor when I had arrived five years before. Literally I'd could go to
      his office, knock on his door wearing a T-shirt and jeans and  sandals
      and walk in and he'd greet me warmly.  No  Nepali  official  could  do
      that. That was the anomaly of being a  foreigner  in  a  country  like
      that, one of them. Anyway, at the end of  the  two  year  period,  WHO
      constituted committees for each country, Dr. Sencer was on the one for
      India, as I remember, who  would  come  to  the  country.  These  were
      usually very senior virologists and epidemiologists from various parts
      of the world. The committee that came  to  Nepal  was  headed  by  the
      Polish Minister of Health, whose name was  Yang  Kartuski,  and  there
      were other people. I remember there was a Japanese scientist who was a
      virologist and various others. I don't remember everyone, but I had to
      take these people around the country looking at the work we were doing
      and at the end of - they were there  for  two  weeks  in  Nepal,  they
      certified smallpox in Nepal as being  eradicated  and  this  coincided
      with Nepali New Year as I remember. Nepal calendar is April to April.


      They made this certification, they left, and then the head of  WHO  in
      Nepal and myself were invited for an audience with the King  of  Nepal
      which doesn't sound like much, but it was very rare for a foreigner to
      meet this guy, which I did. I have a photograph of  it.  Unfortunately
      he was the King of Nepal assassinated in the year 2000,  I  think.  He
      was a young guy, spoke beautiful English and I had  seen  his  picture
      everywhere for two years, but I had never seen him in the flesh. It is
      very funny, the WHO representative Veri[inaudible name 0:31:24]  Mills
      and I were leaving, and we said to each other, "He is a nice  guy,  we
      wouldn't mind drinking a beer with him or something." Anyway, a couple
      of months later I left Nepal. My work had been finished.  I  was  then
      transferred by WHO to the Philippines where I worked for  a  year.  In
      the Philippines I lived in the  Pasay  City,  traveled  all  over  the
      Philippines for  the  expanded  program  on  immunizations,  childhood
      vaccinations, somewhat related to smallpox which is quite different in
      many ways though. A lot of the work I  had  to  do  regarded  smallpox
      vaccine production, there is a big lab there - not smallpox -  vaccine
      production, no more smallpox. This was  diphtheria,  ptosis,  tetanus,
      and other childhood diseases. The lab  knew  nothing  about  how  many
      doses they had to produce. So a lot of my work was figuring  this  out
      based on my experience with traveling around the country  as  well  as
      getting reports from hospitals and doctors all over the place. I first
      learnt to use a computer there.

      I also traveled a lot in the Philippines, saw the country. It was  the
      only country I was in where outside the capital was nicer  than  being
      in the capital. Manila is a huge tropical city full  of  traffic,  not
      very pleasant. All these secondary towns and cities  there  were  very
      nice, I liked that. Anyway I spent a year and a half there and then  I
      came back to CDC, went to work in the division of reproductive  health
      working on first what was  called  Contraceptive  Prevalence  Surveys;
      looking at women of reproductive age in a population usually 15 to 44,
      sometimes 49,  and  looking  at  the  proportion  using  contraceptive
      methods: which one,  and  most  importantly,  of  those  not  using  a
      contraceptive method, why they weren't. I did that  for  a  number  of
      years. Then I did something slightly different which was contraceptive
      logistics. AID, Washington State Department, as part  of  foreign  aid
      distributes contraceptives all over the world-I worked with a group of
      people here at CDC and it was very similar to what I was doing in  the
      Philippines, figuring out how many contraceptive methods each  country
      needed, which ones, and when they should be delivered and all that.

      Next, since I had worked a long time  at  CDC  -  sorry  contraceptive
      prevalence surveys - excuse me, I am getting mixed up, along with  few
      other people in the Division of Reproductive Health, since we were  so
      called experts on surveys, got  some  money  from  the  Indian  Health
      Service to do  behavioral  risk  factor  surveys  on  Native  American
      Reservations in the United States. This was  looking  at  smoking  and
      drinking and car accidents and other stuff that Native  Americans  are
      prone to, to a point. In doing this, I traveled all  over  the  United
      States; went to some  areas  I'd  never  ever  gotten  to,  Idaho  and
      Northern Maine and lots of places where Indians live  which  sometimes
      you don't realize they are there. We even did a  survey  in  New  York
      City where there are 35,000 Native Americans. Having grown up  in  New
      York, I had no idea these people were there, and towards the end of my
      career, we are now in the 2000s, I started working again  on  maternal
      risk - maternal  health  surveys  including  contraceptive  prevalence
      mostly in Southern Africa and Jamaica. I worked  on  four  surveys  in
      Jamaica in the Caribbean  and  one  enormous  survey  in  Zimbabwe  in
      Southern Africa and then retired in January 2003, five years ago. Here
      I am. I'm having a good time being retired.

Dr. Sencer:      What was the most important thing that your  experience  in
      smallpox  [inaudible/low audio0:35:32]?

J. Friedman:     Well, it's easy. Achieving smallpox  eradication  in  Nepal
      where I had spent five years. It was the only country I came  to  call
      home, being there so long, and I liked it the best. I was  married  by
      this time and we had two kids who spent their  first  years  of  their
      lives there and  it  was  quite  an  achievement.  It  was  much  more
      difficult than West Africa, for lots of reasons, among which was  that
      the people didn't accept vaccination as readily as the West  Africans.
      There was a lot of epidemiology which I had learned pretty well, a lot
      of logistical problems. So it was very satisfying eradicating smallpox
      in Nepal. It was in West Africa also, but quite frankly it was  a  lot
      easier in West Africa in my opinion. That was the most rewarding thing
      I think.

Dr. Sencer:      One final question, Jay. What did you bring out of Nepal?

J. Friedman:     Personally, I learned a lot. I learnt  to  speak  a  little
      bit of Nepali. My wife and kids learned it fluently. I think I brought
      out mostly an ability to - I'm going to put it  in  very  metaphorical
      terms, speak to the Nepalese. By that I mean, I learnt their  rhythms,
      I got into their rhythms,  so  I  knew  when  to  appoint,  insist  on
      something, when to not insist on something, when to hold back, when to
      be a little more assertive. A lot of this I learnt from my boss who is
      a guy named Dr. M. Mitchell  Satyanathan[inaudible  name0:37:33],  who
      was Sri Lankan. He was in charge of smallpox there, as far as the  WHO
      people were concerned and he taught me a lot of that, being  an  Asian
      himself. He knew when to go along with what the Nepalese wanted to do,
      and at the same time when not to, and I picked up what I  learnt  from
      him from him - that's an oxymoron what I just said - and I think  this
      carried over to my later career where I was working  on  the  surveys,
      here back at CDC many of which were in foreign countries; I did lot of
      work as I mentioned in Jamaica and Zimbabwe, also in Senegal and other
      West African countries. I even went back to Nepal a couple of times as
      a foreign  technical  advisor  in  Family  Planning  and  Reproductive
      Health, and I think I was much better at doing this than when I was  a
      young guy in my 20s and 30s starting out,  when  I,  as  an  American,
      didn't really empathize with foreign cultures - not foreign - I mean I
      was used to England and France and other countries, but  dealing  with
      people in Asia and Africa, it's very different from dealing  with  the
      European or an American; specially different from being an American. I
      think I got pretty good at that.

Dr. Sencer:      Did you bring anything material out of Nepal?

J. Friedman:     Well, my younger daughter is an adopted Nepali orphan.  She
      is now 35 years old and married, but I guess  you  could  call  her  a
      material thing. I'm kidding of course; I think  she'd  laugh  at  this
      though. I also - you mean possessions? I  bought  an  antique  car  in
      Nepal, which I brought back here to Atlanta, which I drive  around  in
      still.

Dr. Sencer:      How antique?

J. Friedman:     It's a 1932 Ford which had belonged  to  a  Nepali  General
      who gave it to his daughter who gave it to  her  driver  from  whom  I
      bought it. I had it restored there and shipped  back  home  in  a  big
      crate.

Dr. Sencer:      How did you get it out of Nepal?

J. Friedman:     A local moving company who  is  the  agent  of  Allied  Van
      Lines here in the States made a big crate, this is before  containers,
      in 1975; a big crate as long as this area here.  They  drove  the  car
      into the crate and they  tied  it  down  with  chains  and  ropes  and
      everything, they had hooks on the top. We hired a crane, or they hired
      a crane, and lifted it up and went onto a truck. The truck  drove  the
      crate to Calcutta in India near a seaport; it was loaded on a ship, of
      course. The ship landed in Los Angeles and it was  loaded  on  another
      truck and came here to Atlanta. I  drove  it  out  of  the  crate-same
      crate.

Dr. Sencer:      The mythology is that you brought it out  on  an  elephant,
but you didn't?

J. Friedman:     No, but I would have liked to. Well, I'll tell you  if  you
      want to hear this too. The car was brought to  Nepal  in  1932  before
      there were roads to  Katmandu  from  anywhere.  There  were  roads  in
      Katmandu; it's in an enclosed valley. The  car  was  made  in  Canada,
      shipped through India to the  Nepal-India  border  where  the  railway
      ended. It was put onto a bamboo platform, the car. The bamboo platform
      had handles at the end, pieces of bamboo sticking out.  I  can't  tell
      you how many, but 30 porters carried this bamboo platform with the car
      on top over the foothills of the Himalayas to Katmandu. If  you  don't
      believe me, there are pictures in National Geographic of the  30s  and
      40s showing porters carrying cars. There were lots of cars in Katmandu
      carried in that way including this one. Anyway that's an aside.

Dr. Sencer:      With that I think we'd better quit.

J. Friedman:     I think so.

Dr. Sencer:      Thank you very much, Jay.

J. Friedman:     You're welcome.

Maddie:     Thank you.


[End of audio 41:58:5]
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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;The links above connect you to a database of oral histories, photographs, documents, and other media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Use of this information is free, but please see &lt;strong&gt;“About this Site”&lt;/strong&gt; for guidance on how to acknowledge the sources of the information used&lt;/p&gt;
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